Readings In Ancient History II Rome And The West

CZ

123 859

READINGS M ANCIENT HISTORY

ILLUSTRATIVE EXTRACTS FROM
THE SOURCES

II. ROME AND THE WEST

BY
WILLIAM STEARNS DAVIS

*"*,

PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY
OF MINNESOTA

WITH AN INTRODUCTION
BY

WILLIS MASON WEST

FORMERLY HEAD OF THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA

ALLYN AND BACON

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AUTHOR'S PREFACE

THIS book aims to set before students beginning the study
of Ancient History a sufficient amount of source material to
illustrate the important facts mentioned in every good text-
book. There is also a clear intent to give the reader some
taste of the notable literary flavor pervading the histories
of Greece and Home. It is a distinct loss of an opportunity
to pass from the study (e.g.) of the Roman Emperors and
to read no typical passages of Tacitus. This compilation
has been prepared for constant use along with some stand-
ard text-book, and various matters of marked historical
importance, as the Servian Constitution of Rome, have been
deliberately omitted, because most school histories state the
fact sufficiently -well, and little is added by reproducing the
arid statements in L/ivy. On the other hand, many tales
have been included, like the story of Horatius at the Bridge
or of Cincinnatus called from the Plow, which condensed
histories may well slight but which afford refreshing illus-
trations of the ancient life or the ancient viewpoint.

Comparing the compass of this work with the wide extent
of available literature, it is evident that a very large num-
ber of desirable passages have been perforce omitted. There
are practically no quotations from Cicero, because Cicero is
a writer many students will earn a passing acquaintance
with in the schools ; again, certain highly significant pas-
sages are omitted, because they are quoted in so many
school histories. There are no quotations from many of

iii

IV AUTHOR'S PREFACE

the poets, because the tragedians and lyricists were, after
all, poets and not historians. The compiler has teen forced
continually to exercise his best judgment. He is entirely
aware how fallible that judgment may have been.

To meet the requirements for a work covering the Old
Orient and the Early Middle Ages (to 800 A.D.) sections
have been added covering these topics, but no attempt has
been made to have them so long as the chapters relating
strictly to Greece and Borne, Even for the "classical"
history itself, far more material came to hand for some
periods than for others. Desirable selections for the First
Age of Rome are scanty, while again readings on the First
Century of the Empire come in bewildering profusion. As
a rule, however, those epochs for which one has the most
material are, in turn, the best worth, studying, and no apol-
ogy is made for the lack of proportion in the length of some
of the chapters.

This volume has been prepared for immature students:
it is therefore stripped of the learned notes, citations, refer-
ences, etc., which are rightly demanded by the erudite.
The notes and introductions have a single end in view,
to make the selections comprehensible to readers with little
experience in Ancient History problems. Out of consid-
eration for this audience, also, the pages have not been dis-
figured by frequent indications of omission, where passages
of tlie ancient writer have been stricken out in the interests
of brevity. In every case, however, where, to facilitate con-
densation, words not of the original author have been sub-
stituted, they are always inclosed in brackets [ ], to guard
against misconception.

In compiling a work of this kind a great number of trans-
lations have been put under requisition. In many cases
these have been diligently compared with the originals, and
often such alterations have been made in the wording as to
render the present author largely responsible for the form

AUTHOR'S PREFACE V

here given. This is entirely the case (except with Plutarch)
where the translation appears without being ascribed to any
particular translator. The translations from Plutarch may
be generally acknowledged here as always being taken from
the version of Dry den (revised by Clough). Considerable
use has been made, as duly noted, of the familiar Bohn
Library translations, but these often offend by their inele-
gant and overliteral following of the text, and, as a conse-
quence, are most unsatisfactory guides for English readers.
In many cases what amounts to a new translation has been
prepared. To the various authors and publishers of copy-
righted books from which excerpts are taken, who have
generously given permission to copy, all thanks are here
extended. Specific acknowledgments are due here to the
History Department of the University of Pennsylvania for
matter taken from their "Historical Reprints"; to Dr.
Horace White for excerpts from his "Appian"; to Profes-
sor F. W. Kelsey for extracts from his edition of Mau's
"Pompeii"; to Professor G. H. Palmer for his "Hymn of
Cleanthes " ; and to the friends of the late Professor H. B.
Foster for the use of his " Cassius Dio."

The dates given in the running headlines are often
highly approximate, especially for the earlier periods of
history; and should not be memorized without careful
comparison with the text and with various standard
authorities.

In the preparation of this work the compiler has received
generous assistance from many quarters, but particularly
from Professor W. M. West of the University of Minnesota,
who, besides writing the Introduction, has at all times given,
most friendly counsel out of a wide, practical experience,
and who has afforded active assistance upon the work both
during its inception and its final development. Hearty
thanks are also due to Mr. Richard A. Newhall, formerly
Assistant in History in the University of Minnesota, who

vi AUTHOR'S PREFACE

went over the entire manuscript most faithfully, checking
up all important references and otherwise making it useful
to historical students.

W. S. D.

THE UNIVERSITY OP MINNESOTA.,

MINNEAPOLIS, MINNESOTA,

December, 1912.

INTBODUCTION

DR. DAVIS has placed high school teachers of history
under an obligation which they will be quick to recognize.
This book takes rank by itself. There are excellent " source
books " in Greek and Roman history adapted to their own
valuable work. But this is not a source book, in the usual
sense. Fitly, it calls itself Headings. It unfolds a pano-
rama of ancient life etched, drawn, painted, caricatured, by
contemporaries. No great phase of that life is neglected,
and I take this opportunity to testify my special delight in
the attractive presentation of two important epochs often
slighted, the Hellenic World after Alexander and the Ho-
man Imperial World. It was a happy adaptation of work-
man to work that persuaded Dr. Davis to this task. His
instinct for dramatic story and striking situation, and his
faultless literary sense, have never, I believe, served better
use. The boy or girl who once gets hold on the volume is
sure to breathe in more of the atmosphere of the ancient
world than from any possible study of a conventional text-
book. Indeed, the Headings will lend needed light and
color to any text-book. In my judgment, a high school
class in Ancient History should have this book, not merely
in the library for occasional reference, but constantly in the
hands of each student. If that is arranged, most other
"library work" may, perhaps, be omitted by a first-year
class without serious loss, providing the following year in
Modern History is so planned as to put emphasis on library
reference. Not all varieties of historical training can be
given with equal stress in one year certainly not in a first

vii

viii INTRODUCTION

year. This volume makes it possible to do the most desir-
able things for that year more easily and more effectively
than ever before.

Now as to some of those things and how to do them. 1
hesitate to speak as a dogmatic pedagogue ; but this is just
the matter on which I am particularly requested to speak in
this Introduction. Concrete details depend largely upon
the articulation with the regular text-book, and must vary
with the text used. I must confine myself to a few general
principles.

1. The volume is not designed for " hard " study, to be
tested scrupulously by minute questioning: it is meant for
reading. At the same time, it is planned so that, with a
little thought by the teacher, it may be a daily companion
to any standard text in Ancient History. Eeadings should
usually be assigned for a group of days ahead (two days to
five), to allow for variation in arrangement between this
book and the text ; and students should then be expected
and helped to go back at the proper times from passages
in the text to the appropriate passages in the Readings.
They should be taught to look for and to utilize Dr. Davis's
suggestions at the head of each " number " as to the most
essential things to look for in the extract. And almost
daily, while the correct habit is forming, the teacher will
find opportunity to ask, " What further light on this do you
find in the Headings ? " " Did you get that idea from your
text-book or from a ' contemporary' authority?" "Does
the passage from Tacitus in the Readings support or
weaken this statement of your text ? " Such practice should
be continued and varied until the student instinctively turns
from text to Readings and back again, supplementing each
by the other, in his consideration of each topic.

2. Now and then a suitable passage (not too long) may
even be used in the way more peculiar to " source books "
proper, for painstaking and exhaustive study, to establish

INTRODUCTION ix

conclusions in advance of the text, or to disclose evidence
for positions there taken. For this purpose, the teacher
may need at first to dictate searching questions. For a few
typical documents Dr. Davis has supplied such questions ;
but the selection of documents to be used in this way will
necessarily vary with the text-book. Now and then the
class may be required to write questions upon a document ;
and, still better, a student may prepare himself to question
the class orally first, of course, communicating to the in-
structor the points he intends to bring out

3. When the survey of an important period or topic has
been completed (Greek life in the days of Pericles, for in-
stance), it will sometimes be well to spend a day or more
in re-reading the Readings, with a class exercise to bring
out points found there and not previously dwelt upon.

4 The historical introductions by Dr. Davis should, of
course, be compared carefully with the corresponding matter
in the regular text; and any divergences of opinion will
afford convenient occasion for reference to larger standard
authorities by an individual or by the class.

5. The student should certainly acquire some discriminat-
ing sense as to why one source differs from another in his-
torical value or reliability. He can appreciate easily why
(e.g.) Vol. II, 63 (contemporary statement) is better author-
ity for the facts it recites than is Vol. II, 13, which has
tradition or recollection merely for the facts it states. And
such discrimination is susceptible of considerable develop*
ment. Moreover, it is quite possible for the student to
comprehend that even where a contemporary's judgment is
erroneous as to fact, it is still often a historical fact itself
of great significance. In this connection, to all cautions by
Dr. Davis in his introductions against taking an opinion as
an infallible authority merely because it is contemporary
and old the teacher will need to add frequent reminder
as to the partisan or personal or class bias of many of the

X INTRODUCTION

writers quoted. It may be driven slowly into the everyday
consciousness of the class that Homeric bards sang to chief-
tains for largess, and were glad to gratify such auditors by
raising a laugh at the expense of the annoying Thersites,
who, in real life, may that day have bested the chief in the
Assembly; that Aristophanes and Juvenal were ancient
" muckrakers," with far less zeal for accurate statement
than have their successors who trouble our society in the
monthly magazines ; that Cicero was a complacent and de-
lightful old " standpatter," and Tacitus a preacher who
heightened the virtues of other peoples in order to darken
the vices of his own land ; that most professed historians
were more eager for a good story than for scientific accu-
racy; and that, during all time, democracy has had its his-
tory written chiefly by its enemies since literature has
belonged so largely to the aristocrats.

6. I close with a suggestion, hardly needed, of perhaps
the finest use of the volume. A true teacher ought to find
in every class some students before whom these extracts
may be dropped as delectable bait, to lure them on to high
enjoyment of Plutarch and the Odyssey and Marcus Aure-
lius in their entirety.

WILLIS MASON WEST.

December, 1912.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I
The First Roman Age

PAGH

Introduction 1

1. Description of Italy. Pliny the Elder .... 2

2. A Roman Rustic Festival. Ovid 1>

3. Part of an Early Latin Farmer's Calendar. Inscription 6

4. Song of the Arval Brethren. Old Latin Fragment . 6

5. The Ancient Roman Form of Declaring War. Livy . _7

6. Numa and his Institution of the Vestals. Plutarch . 9

7. Brutus condemns his Own Sons to Death. Livy . . L

8. How Horatius held the Bridge. Livy . . . .16

CHAPTER II

The Growth of the Republic

Introduction L9

9. The Secession of the Plebs and the First Tribunes. Livy L9

10. How the Plebeians won the Consulship. Livy . . 23

11. How Cincinnatus saved a Roman Army. Livy . . ( 27

12. The Personal Traits and Characteristics of the* Gauls.

Ammianus Marcellinus 29

13. The Geese of the Capitol. Livy . . . .51

14. The Censorship of Appius Claudius. Livy ... 53

15. Cineas and Appius Claudius Csecus. Plutarch . . 57

16. The Training of Roman Nobles in the Best Period of ?*

the Republic. Heitland '11

17. A Learned Greek's Analysis of the Roman Constitu-

tion. Polybius i2

xii CONTENTS

PAGE

18. The Honesty of Roman Officials at the Best Period of

the Republic. Polybzus 48

19. Roman State Funerals and their Influence. Polybius . 50

CHAPTER III

The Death Struggle with Carthage

Introduction 53

20. Horace's Ode on Regulus's Departure for Carthage. ^

Horace 4

21. The Youth and Character of Hannibal. Livy . . 56

22. Hannibal* s Hostility to Rome. Cornelius Nepos . . 6Q.

23. How the Second Punic War was Declared. Livy . 60^

24. Hannibal's Crossing of the Alps. Livy .... 62

25. How the Romans greeted Varro on his Return from

Cannae. Livy 67

26. "Hannibal at the Gates." Livy 68

27. Marcellus and Archimedes at Syracuse. Plutarch . 72

28. The Battle of Zama. Livy 77

29. Why Rome was Superior to Carthage. Polybius . 80

30. How Cato the Elder inveighed against Carthage.

Plutarch 82

CHAPTER IV

The Decline of the Roman Republic

Introduction 85

31. How Polybius and Scipio the Younger became Friends.

Polybius 86

32. The Conduct and Treatment of Slaves. Plautus . 90

33. Cato the Elder on how to Manage Farm Slaves.

Cato 91

34. How a Faithful Slave should Act. Plautus ... 93

35. Sparticus and the Slave Revolt. Plutarch ... 94

36. The Austerity of Cato the Elder. Plutarch ... 97

37. How Cato the Elder governed as Censor. Livy . . 99

38. The Agrarian Situation in Italy in 133 B.C. Appian . 103

CONTENTS xui

PAGE

39. The Murder of Tiberius Gracchus. Plutarch . . 105

40. How Jugurtha corrupted the Degenerate Senate.

Sallust 109

41. How Marius overthrew the Teutones. Plutarch . .111
42., The Reign of Terror under Sulla. Plutarch . . . 115

43. The Vast Power of Mithridates. Appian . . .118

44. Lucullus's Triumph over Mithridates, and his Luxuri-

ous Mode of Life. Plutarch 119

45. Pompey's Conquest of the Bast. Appian . . . 123

46. The Wealth and Habits of Crassus the Millionaire.

Plutarch 127

47. Quintus Cicero's Advice to his Brother when Candidate

for the Consulship. Quintus Cicero . . . 129

48. Conditions in Rome while Catiline was Plotting.

Sallust 135

49. The Early Career of Julius Caesar . Suetonius . . 138

CHAPTER V

The Founding of the Roman Empire

Introduction 143

50. Caesar's Account of how he was forced to take up

Arms. CcBsar 144

X"""**"

51. The Crossing of the Rubicon. Suetonius . . . C149.

52. Cassar's Reforms while Dictator, Suetonius . . 150

53. The Funeral of Caesar. Appian 154

54. The Personal Traits of Julius Caesar. Suetonius . * 159

55. How Cleopatra bewitched Antony. Plutarch . . 162

56. The Deeds of Augustus. Monumentum Ancyranum.

(Inscription) 166

57. Egypt and its Condition and Government under Rome.

Strdbo 172

58. Horace's Secular Hymn. Horace 174

59. Story illustrating the Magnanimity of Augustus.

Seneca s 177

60. Vergil's Glorification of the Julian Line. Vergil . . 178

61. The Glories of Rome. Strabo 179

xiv CONTENTS

CHAPTER VI
The Deeds of the Emperors

PAGE

Introduction 182

62. The Defeat of Varus. Velleius Paterculus . . , 183

63. A Discourse of Claudius in the Senate. Inscription . 186

64. A Typical Neronian Crime : the Murder of Britannicus.

Tacitus 188

65. The Great Fire at Rome in the Days of Nero. Cassius

Dio . 191

66. How the Emperor Domitian tried to amuse the Roman

Populace. Suetonius 194

67. The Poet Statius banquets with his Lord God the Em-

peror. Statins 195

68. Deeds and Anecdotes of the Emperor Hadrian. JSlius

Spartianus 196

69. The Character of Antoninus Pius. Marcus Aurelius . 199

70. The Reign of Marcus Aurelius. Eutropius . . . 201

71. How Didius Julianus bought the Roman Empire at

Auction. Herodianus 203

72. How the Goths devastated the Empire in the Reign of

Gallienus. Jordanes 206

73. How Aurelian conquered Zenobia. Vopiscus . . 207

CHAPTER VII

Public and Private Life under the Empire

Introduction 211

74. A Debate in the Senate in Imperial Times. Pliny the

Younger 212

75. The Correspondence of a Provincial Governor and the

Emperor Trajan. Pliny the Younger . . . 215

76. A Business Panic in Rome. Tacitus .... 222

77. Summary of Some Benefactions to Roman Cities by

Private Individuals. Summarized by Duruy . . 224

78. Martial on Phases of Life in Rome. Martial * . 225

CONTENTS xv

PAGE

79. How Horace got an Education. Horace . . . 227

80. How Pliny endowed a School. Pliny the Younger . 228

81. Flogging Schoolmasters at Rome. Martial . . 230

82. Contemporary Testimony to the Greatness and Benefi-

cence of the Roman Empire. Collected by Duruy 231

83. The Great Buildings in Rome. Pliny the Elder . . 232

84. The Extent of the City of Rome. Pliny the Elder . 235

85. The Collapse of Houses and the Fires in Rome. Strabo 236

86. The Mania for Literary Fame in Imperial Times.

Friedlaender 237

87. Oratory in the Roman Courts. Pliny the Younger . 239

88. The Life of a Refined Roman Gentleman. Pliny the

Younger 240

89. A Wealthy Roman's Fortune. Pliny the Elder . . 242

90. A Roman Seaside Villa. Statins 243

91. Letters about Private Life in Egypt under the Em-

pire. Papyri 244

92. A Diatribe against the Women of Rome. Juvenal . 247

93. The Gourmandizing of the Emperor Vitellius. Sue-

tonius 250

94. Luxury in the Use of Rings. Pliny the Elder . . 251

95. The Bill of Fare of a Great Roman Banquet.

Macrobius 253

96. The Banquet of Trimalchio, the Rich Parvenu.

Petronius 253

97. Seneca on the Gladiatorial Butcheries. Seneca . . 259

98. Seneca's Opinions upon Slavery. Seneca . . . 259

99. Wall Inscriptions from Pompeii. Inscriptions . . 260

CHAPTER YIII

Philosophical and Religious Life in the Last Pagan Centuries

Introduction 266

100. A Skeptic's Mockery of the Multiplicity of Pagan

Gods. Lucian 267

xvi CONTENTS

PAGE

101. A Famous Religious Imposter of the Second Century.

Lucian 269

102. The Nature of Demons. Appuleius .... 270

103. A Stoic on the Endurance of Hardship. Seneca . 272

104. How a Stoic met Calamity in the Days of Nero.

Epictetus 274

105. How All Things are under Divine Inspection.

Epictetus 275

106. Letters of Marcus Aurelius to his Master Fronto.

Marcus Aurelius 277

107. The Precepts of Marcus Aurelius. Marcus Aurelius . 280

108. Isis and her Worship. Appuleius .... 282

CHAPTER IX

The Later Roman Empire and the Christians

Introduction 285

109. Nero's Persecution of the Christians. Tacitus . . 286

110. How a Female Martyr faced her Persecutors. Mem-

oirs of St. Perpetua 287

111. Certificate of having sacrificed to the Pagan Gods.

Papyrus 289

112. How the Roman Officials tried to seize Christian

Books in 303 A.D. After Workman . . .289

113. How Constantine overthrew Maxentius and favored

Christianity, Eusebius 291

114. How Constantine founded Constantinople. Sozomen 295

115. A Christian's Testimony to the Divine Sanction for

the Roman Empire. Aurelius Prudentius . . 297

116. How St. Ambrose humiliated Theodosius the Great.

Theodoret 298

117. A Part of the Register of Dignitaries of the Roman

Empire. From the Notitia Dignitatum . . . 300

118. How Theodosius the Great struck Awe into the

Goths. Jordanes 304

119. The Luxury and Arrogance of the Rich in Rome.

Ammianus Marcellinus 305

CONTENTS xvii

CHAPTER X
The Dying Empire and the German Invaders

PAGE

Introduction 310

120. The Death and Burial of Alario the Visigoth.

Jordanes 311

121. Description of the Early Germans. Tacitus , . 312

122. Effect upon the World of the Taking of Rome by

Alaric. Professor Dill 316

123. The Greatness of Rome even in the Days of Ruin.

Rutilius Numantius 318

124. A Picture of a Visigothic King. Sidonius Apollinaris 319

125. An Account of the Person of Attila. Jordanes . . 322

126. The Battle of the Catalaunian Plains or of Chalons.

Jordanes 322

127. The Youth and Rise to Power of Theodoric the Ostro-

goth. Jordanes 325

128. A Description of Constantinople under the Eastern

Emperors. Professor Bury 327

129. The Title of a Later Roman Emperor. Justinian . 330

130. The Imperial Law-making Power as defined by Jus-

tinian. Justinian 331

131. How Clovis the Frank became a Catholic Christian.

The Chronicle of St. Denys . . . .331

132. How Clovis disposed of a Rival. Gregory of Tours . 335

133. Typical Passages from the Law of the Salian Franks.

TheLexSalica 337

CHAPTER XI

The Early Middle Ages and Charlemagne

Introduction 341

134. Manners and Life in FranHand in the Merovingian

Period. Adapted from Parmentier .... 342

135. Usages of the Church in the Early Middle Ages.

Adapted from Parmentier 345

xviii CONTENTS

PAGE

136. St. Simeon Stylites and how he achieved Holiness.

Evagrius . . . 348

137. Extracts from the Monastic Rule of St. Benedict.

St. Benedict 350

138. Legal Conditions and the Personality of Law during

the Barbarian Settlement. Vinogradoff . . 352

139. Medieval Ordeal Formulas. Collected by Henderson . 355

140. Typical Passages Jrom the Koran. Mohammed . . 357

141. The Opinion of Musa, the Saracen Conqueror of

Spain, as to the Franks. Arabian Chronicles . 362

142. An Early Story of the Battle of Tours or Poitiers.

Isadore of Beja ........ 362

143. Bagdad under the Abbaside Kalifs. After Ameer Ah 365

144. How Pope Gregory I made Peace with the Lombards.

Paulus Diaconus 367

145. How Pepin the Short became King of the Franks.

Chronicle of St. Denys 369

146. Personal Traits of Charlemagne. Eginhard . . 370

147. The Wars of Charlemagne. Eginhard . . . 373

148. How Charlemagne was crowned Emperor. Eginhard 376

149. Selections from the Great Capitulary of Charlemagne.

Henderson 377

APPENDICES

Roman Money and Measures 381

List of Modern Translations Used 382

A Select List of Books on Roman History . 385

Biographical Notes of Ancient Authors Cited . , 396

ROME AND THE WEST

KOME AND THE WEST

CHAPTER I
THE FIRST ROMAN AGE

The transition from Greece to Rome reflects itself in our liter-
ary sources ; our narratives of Greek history are vivid, personal,
abounding in illuminating detail; the annals of early Rome are
bare and formal, telling of events rather than of individuals. Even
where it seems as if enlightening personalia are given, they may
be justly suspected of being the fabrications of late historians
trained to imitate Greek literary models. The first age of Rome
never immortalized itself in anything like the Homeric poems or the
delightful tales of Herodotus ; instead we have Grecianized legends,
none too faithfully reproduced by the uncritical Livy. There is
not a single personality in all Roman history who stands out for
us with a clear-cut individuality whom in short we can say we
comprehend as we comprehend Themistocles or Pericles ; until we
come at last to Scipio the Elder. Nevertheless, we are not with-
out interesting memorials of the period of the early Roman Repub-
lic or even of the period of the Kings. Thanks to the inherent
conservatism of the Latin genius we find in the literature of later
ages legal and religious formulae which manifestly have been
handed down in unbroken tradition from very early times (e.g. The
Song of the Arval Brethren ; The Form of Declaring War, etc.) ;
and such memorials as these aid us not a little to understand the
institutions and modes of thought of the cold, unpoetic, practical,
patriotic, and wholly effective folk of central Italy who were to
build an empire such as the more versatile and aesthetically bril-
liant Greeks could never create.

Besides certain of these "literary survivals" just mentioned,
there are also given one or two of the famous tales from Livy,
which, whatever their authenticity, truly illustrate the stern spirit

1

2 THE FIRST ROMAN AGE

of self-immolation for the common weal which was one of the
noblest features of the life of early Rome.

1. DESCRIPTION OF ITALY
Pliny the Elder, " Natural History," book III, chap 6. Bohn translation

The natural advantages of the Italian peninsula are here set
forth by an enthusiastic Roman writer. The Italians were and
are justified in the praise of their country ; it is in every respect
the queen of the southern European lands vastly superior in
every way to Spain with its few harbors and uplands and plains ;
and again with far greater resources than picturesque but rocky
and restricted Greece. On the whole, it is the most favored land
bordering the Mediterranean, if not area considered in the
entire world.

When we come to Italy, we begin with the Ligures [in
the Northwest], after whom we have Etruria, Unibria,
Latium, where the mouths of the Tiber are situate, and
Rome the "Capital of the World," sixteen miles distant
from the Sea. We then come to the coasts of the Volsci and
Campania, and the districts of Picenum, of Lucania and of
Bruttium, where Italy extends the farthest in a southerly
direction, and projects into the [two] seas with the chain of
the Alps, 1 which there forms pretty nearly the shape of a
crescent. Leaving Bruttium we come to the coast of
[Magna] Grsecia, then the Apuli, Peligni, Sabiiii, Picentes,
Galli, the Umbri, the Tusci, the Venetes [and other
peoples],

I am quite aware that I might be justly accused of
ingratitude and indolence, were I to describe thus briefly
and in so cursory a manner the land which is at once the
foster-child and the parent of all lands : chosen by the provi-
dence of the Gods to render even heaven itself more glorious,
to unite the scattered empires of the earth, to bestow a pol-

1 This, of course, refers to the Apennines.

DESCRIPTION OF ITALY 3

ish upon men's manners, to unite the discordant and uncouth
dialects of so many nations by the powerful ties of one com-
mon language, to confer the enjoyments of discourse and of
civilization upon mankind, to become, in short, the mother-
country of all the nations.

But how shall I begin the task ? So vast is the number
of celebrated places [no one living can name them all]. So
great is the renown [of each spot] I feel myself wholly at a
loss. The city of Rome alone, which forms a portion [of
Italy], a face well worthy of shoulders so beauteous, how
great a book it would take for a due description ! And then
too [there is] the coast of Campania, just taken by itself,
so blessed with natural charms and riches, that it is evident
that when nature formed it, she took a delight in accumu-
lating all her blessings in a single spot how am I to do
justice to this ?

Again the climate, with its eternal freshness, and so
abounding in health and vitality, the serenenessof the weather
so enchanting, the fields so fertile, the hill sides so sunny,
the thickets so free from every danger, 1 the groves so cool
and shady, the forests with a vegetation so varying and
luxuriant, the fruitfulness of the grain, the vines, and the
admirable olives, the flocks with fleeces so noble, the bulls
with necks so sinewy ; the lakes with one ever coming after
another, the numerous rivers and springs which refresh
the land on every side with their waters, the numerous
[gulfs of] the sea with their havens, and the bosom of the
lands opening everywhere to the commerce of the wide
world, yes, as it were, eagerly reaching out into the very
midst of the waves, for the purpose of aiding so it seems
the efforts of the Immortals!

At present I omit speaking of its genius, its manners, its
men, and the nations whom it has conquered by eloquence
and the might of arms. The very Greeks a folk fond

1 Presumably from dangerous wild beasts.

4 THE FIRST ROMAN AGE

mightily of spreading their own praises have given ample
judgment in favor of Italy, when they named simply a
small part of it " Magna Graecia." But we must be content
in this case, as in our description of the heavens. We must
only touch upon these points, and take notice of merely a
few of its stars.

I may begin by remarking that this land very much re-
sembles in shape an oak-leaf, being much longer than it is
broad ; towards the top it inclines to the left [if one is facing
south], while it terminates in the form of an Amazonian
buckler, 1 in which the central projection is called Cocinthos,
while it sends forth two horns at the end of its crescent-
shaped bays Leucopetra on the right, and Lacinium on the
left. It extends in length 1020 miles, if we measure from
the foot of the Alps at Prsetoria Augusta through the city of
Rome and Capua to Bhegium, which is situate on the
shoulder of the Peninsula, just at the bend of the neck as it
were. The distance is much greater if measured to Lacinium,
but in that case the line, being drawn obliquely, would in-
cline too much to one side. The breadth [of Italy] is vari-
able; being 410 miles between the two seas, the Lower
[Tuscan] and the tipper [Adriatic], and the rivers Varus
[by Gaul] and Arsia [by Istria] ; at about the middle and in
the vicinity of the city of Rome, from the spot where the
river Aternus flows into the Adriatic to the mouth of the
Tiber, the distance is 136 miles, and a little less from Cas-
trum-JSTovum on the Adriatic sea to Alsium on the Tuscan 5
but at no place does it exceed 200 miles in breadth. The
circuit of the whole from the Yarus to the Arsia is 3059 miles. 2
As to its distance from the countries that surround it,
Epirus and Illyricum [nearest points toward Greece] are

1 That is, a shield, whose side was shaped like a kind of crescent.

2 A good example of how inaccurate the Ancients were in their calcu-
lationsand Pliny doubtless used the best available data; the real
circuit is about 2500 miles.

ROMAN RUSTIC FESTIVAL 5

50 miles distant, Africa is less than 200, as we are informed
by Marcus Varro, and Sicily a mile and a half.

2. ROMAN RUSTIC FESTIVAL
Ovid, " Fasti," book IV, 1. 735 ft.

The following is from an author of the Augustan Age, but the
old worship herein described had survived practically unchanged in
agricultural districts from very primitive times. We may imagine
the men of the age of the Tarquins practicing almost exactly these
identical rites.

Shepherd ! at the first streak of dawn purify thy well-
nourished flocks ; first besprinkle them with water, and let
a branch sweep clean the ground. Let the folds be decked
with leaves and branches, while a trailing wreath covers the
gates so gaily adorned. Then make the blue flames to rise
from the living sulphur, and the sheep bleat loudly whilst
she feels the touch of the smoking sulphur. Burn next the
olive-branch, the pine twig, the juniper, for this is the
food which rejoices the country goddess the most Give
also to her an especial share of the feast, and her pail of
milk ; and when her share has been, set aside, then, with milk
warm from the cow, make thou thy prayer to Pales 1
warder of the woods.

[In this prayer the farmer must beg forgiveness for any uncon-
scious sins against the rustic deities, such as trespassing on their
groves, or sheltering his flocks under their altar ; then he should
beg that disease be averted, and good luck attend his crops, herds,
and flocks.]

Thus must thou win the favor of the divinity ; and say
this prayer four times, turning toward the sunrise, and wash
thy hands at the running stream. Then set the rustic bowl

1 A rustic divinity who figures in early Roman mythology as the
especial patron of herdsmen.

6 THE FIRST ROMAN AGE

upon the table in place of the wine-bowl, and drink ye the
snowy milk and dark must, and soon through the heaps of
crackling straw leap in swift course with eager limbs.

[All the worshipers then begin to leap through the blazing fires,
and even the flocks and herds are driven through, while fierce
hilarity reigns.]

3. PART OF AN EARLY LATIN FARMER'S CALENDAR
Inscription in " Corpus Inscript. Lat.," vol. VI, p. 637

This inscription for the month of May was on a marble cube,
on the four sides whereof were indications of the works and festi-
vals for each month. Notice the brief, pithy injunctions, very
suitable for a community of hard-headed, totally unimaginative
rustics.

The month of May

Thirty-one days, with the nones falling on the seventh day.
The day has fourteen and one half hours. The night has
nine and one half hours. The sun is under the sign of
Taurus. The month of May is under the protection of
Apollo.

The corn is weeded.

The sheep are shorn.

The wool is washed.

The young steers are put under the yoke.

The vetch in the meadows is cut.

The lustration of the crops is made. Sacrifices (ought
to be made) to Mercury and to Flora.

4. SONG OF THE ARVAL BRETHREN
Old Latin Fragment from Wordsworth's Translation

The " Arval Brethren " were a company of twelve priests, whose
main business seems to have been to offer sacrifice for the fertility
of the soil During their solemn festival they executed a sacred

ROMAN FORM OF DECLARING WAR 7

dance, and recited the hymn here given. This hymn is in such
primitive Latin, that its correct translation is in some points dis-
puted ; but it continued to be recited centuries after the priests
had almost forgotten its meaning. Compare this early Latin
effort at poetry with the earliest known poetry of the Greeks !

Help us, Lares, help us, Lares, help us !

And thou, Marmar, suffer not

Fell plague and ruin's rot

Our folk to devastate.
Be satiate, fierce Mars, be satiate !

Leap o'er the threshold ! Halt ! now beat the ground !

\_Above couplet repeated three

Call to your aid the heroes all, call in alternate strain ;

Call, call the heroes all !

Call to your aid the heroes all, call in alternate strain.
Help us, Marmar, help us ! Marmar, help us !
Leap high in solemn measure ; leap and leap again !

Leap high and leap again !

5. THE ANCIENT ROMAN FOKJM OF DECLARING WAR

Livy, "History," book I, chap. 32

Among the very old formulas and usages that survived at Rome
down to relatively late times, this method of declaring war holds
a notable place. It was highly needful to observe all the necessary
formalities in beginning hostilities, otherwise the angry gods would
turn their favor to the enemy*

[Ancus Marcius, the fourth king of Rome, was at once a man of
peace and an efficient soldier; and on the outbreak of a war with
the Latins he is said to have instituted the customs which later
ages of Romans observed in war.]

Inasmuch as Numa had instituted the religious rites for
days of peace, Ancus Marcius desired that the ceremonies
relating to war might be transmitted by himself to future

8 THE FIRST ROMAN AGE

ages. Accordingly he borrowed from an ancient folk, the
jEquicolae, the form which the [Roman] heralds still ob-
serve, when they make public demand for restitution.

The [Roman] envoy when he comes to the frontier of the
offending nation, covers his head with a woolen fillet, and
says,

" Hear, Jupiter, and hear ye lands (of such and such a
nation), let Justice hear ! I am a public messenger of the
Roman people. Justly and religiously I come, and let my
words bear credit ! " Then he makes his demands, and fol-
lows with a solemn appeal to Jupiter. " If I demand un-
justly and impiously that these men and goods [in question]
be given to me, the herald of the Roman people, then suffer
me never to enjoy again my native country ! "

These words he repeats when he crosses the frontiers ; he
says them also to the first man he meets [on the way] ;
again when he passes the gate; again on entering the
[foreigners'] market-place, some few words in the formula
being [then] changed. If the persons he demands are not
surrendered after thirty days, he declares war, thus :

" Hear, Jupiter and thou too Juno, Romulus also,
and all ye celestial, terrestrial, and infernal gods ! Give us
ear ! I call ye to witness that this nation (naming it) is un-
just, and has acted contrary to right. And as for us, we will
consult thereon with our elders in our homeland, as to how
we may obtain our rights."

After that the envoy returns to Rome to report, and the
king was wont at once to consult with the Senators in some
such words as these,

" Concerning such quarrels as to which the * pater patrar
tus' 1 of the Roman people has conferred with the pater
patratus of the [foreign] people, and with that people
themselves, touching what they ought to have surrendered or
done, and which things they have not surrendered nor done
1 The head of the Roman heralds (fetialesV

NUMA AND THE VESTALS 9

[as they ought] ; speak forth," he said to the senator first
questioned, "what think you ? "

Then the other said, " I think that [our rights] should be
demanded by a just and properly declared war, and for that
I give my consent and vote."

Next the others were asked in order, and when the
majority of those present had reached an agreement, the war
was resolved upon.

It was customary for the fetialis to carry in his hand a
javelin pointed with steel, or burnt at the end and dipped in
blood. This he took to the confines of the enemy's country,
and in the presence of at least three persons of adult years,
he spoke thus, "Forasmuch as the state of the [enemy
here named] has offended against the Roman People, the
Quirites ; and forasmuch as the Roman People the Quirites
have ordered that there should be war [with the enemy]
and the Senate of the Eoman People has duly voted that
war should be made upon the enemy [here named] : I acting
for the Eoman People declare and make actual war upon the
enemy ! "

So saying he flung the spear within the hostile confines.
After this manner restitution was at that time demanded
from the Latins [by Ancus Marcius] and war proclaimed;
and the usage then established was adopted by posterity. 1

6. NUMA AND HIS INSTITUTION OF THE VESTALS, ETC.
Plutarch, "Life of Nmna," chaps. IX-XIV, XIX, XX

To Wuina the traditional second king of Bome (assumed dates
715 to 673 B.C.) later ages attributed many of the religious usages

i When in later ages the Romans had to wage war with nations beyond
the seas, they resorted to a very curious fiction in order to keep this old
custom. They transferred a spot of ground near the Circus Flaminius to
a prisoner from the unfriendly nation ; and on this spot, in front of the
Temple of Bellona, they set a column. The land could now be accounted
hostile territory, and the spear of the fetialis could be hurled upon it. An-
other example of Roman literalism.

10 THE FIRST ROMAN AGE

of the city. We may dismiss Nurna as legendary ; but the insti-
tutions and customs ascribed to him were not legendary, and sur-
vived nearly intact down to the triumph of Christianity, thus
illustrating the essentially conservative character of the Roman
genius. Note that the old Roman religion* was almost formalism
incarnate. The relations of god and worshiper are those of cred-
itor and debtor ; the latter must discharge his duty literally, and
in exchange require a due amount of favor. Almost no religion
was so deficient in spirituality as that of Rome. It did, however,
put a premium on the scrupulous performance of duty.

The original constitution of the priests, called Pontifice$
is ascribed unto Numa, and he himself was, it is said, the
first of them ; and that they have the name of Pontifices
from potens, powerful, because they attend the service of
the gods, who have power and command over alL The
most common opinion is the most absurd, which derives this
word from pons, and assigns the priests the title of bridge-
makers. 1 The sacrifices performed on the bridge were
amongst the most sacred and ancient, and the keeping and
repairing of the bridge attached, like any otber public sacred
office, to the priesthood. It was accounted not simply un-
lawful, but a positive sacrilege, to pull down the wooden
bridge ; which moreover is said, in obedience to an oracle,
to have been built entirely of timber and fastened with
wooden pins, without nails or cramps of iron. The stone
bridge was built a very long time after, when JSmilius was
quaestor, and they do, indeed, say also that the wooden
bridge was not so old as Numa's time. . . .

The office of Pontifex Maximus, or chief priest, was to de-
clare and interpret the divine law, ... he not only prescribed
rules for public ceremony, but regulated the sacrifices of
private persons, not suffering them to vary from established

1 Nevertheless this seems the probable origin of the word. The Ponti-
fices are said to have had the making or maintenance of the Sublician
bridge built over the Tiber by Ancus Marcius.

NUMA AND THE VESTALS 11

custom, and giving information to every one of what was
requisite for purposes of worship or supplication. He was
also guardian of the vestal virgins, the institution of whom,
and of their perpetual fire, was attributed to Numa, who,
perhaps, fancied the charge of pure and uncorrupted flames
would be fitly intrusted to chaste and unpolluted persons,
or that fire, which consumes, but produces nothing, bears an
analogy to the virgin estate.

Some are of opinion that these vestals had no other busi-
ness than the preservation of this fire; but others conceive
that they were keepers of other divine secrets, concealed
from, all but themselves. Gegania and Verenia, it is re-
corded, were the names of the first two virgins consecrated
and ordained by Numa; Canuleia and Tarpeia succeeded;
Servius Tullius afterwards added two, and. the number of
four has been continued to the present time.

TJie Term of Service for the Vestals

The statutes prescribed by Numa for the vestals were
these: that they should take a vow of virginity for the
space of thirty years, the first ten of which they were
to spend in learning their duties, the second ten in per-
forming them, and the remaining ten in teaching and in-
structing others. Thus the whole term being completed,
it was lawful for them to marry, and leaving the sacred
order, to choose any condition of life that pleased th^m ;
but of this permission few, as they say, made use ; and in
cases where they did so, it was observed that their change
was not a happy one, but accompanied ever after with
regret and melancholy; so that the greater number, from
religious fears and scruples, forbore, and continued to old
age and death in the strict observance of a single life.

For this condition he compensated by great privileges
and prerogatives ; as that they had power to make a will
in the lifetime of their father; that they had a free ad-

12 THE FIRST ROMAN AGE

ministration of their own affairs without guardian or tutor,
which was the privilege of women who were the mothers
of three children; when they go abroad, they have the
fasces carried before them; and if in their walks they
chance to meet a criminal on his way to execution, it
saves his life, upon oath being made that the meeting was
accidental, and not concerted or of set purpose. Any
one who presses upon the chair on which they are carried
is put to death.

Punishment of Unfaithful Vestals

If these vestals commit any minor fault, they are punish-
able by the high-priest only, who scourges the offender,
sometimes with her clothes off, in a dark place, with a
curtain drawn between ; but she that has broken her vow
is buried alive near the gate called Collina, where a little
mound of earth stands, inside the city, reaching some little
distance, called in Latin agger; under it a narrow room
is constructed, to which a descent is made by stairs ; here
they prepare a bed, and light a lamp, and leave a small
quantity of victuals, such as bread, water, a pail of milk,
and some oil ; that so that body which had been consecrated
and devoted to the most sacred service of religion might
not be said to perish by such a death as famine. The cul-
prit herself is put in a litter, which they cover over, and
tie.her down with cords on it, so that nothing she utters
may be heard. They then take her to the forum; all
people silently go out of the way as she passes, and such
as follow accompany the bier with solemn and speechless
sorrow ; and, indeed, there is not any spectacle more appall-
ing, nor any day observed by the city with greater appear-
ance of gloom and sadness. When they come to the place
of execution, the officers loose the cords, and then the
high-priest, lifting his hands to heaven, pronounces certain
prayers to himself before the act ; then he brings out the

NUMA AND THE VESTALS 13

prisoner, being still covered, and placing her upon the
steps that lead down to the cell, turns away his lace with
'the rest of the priests ; the stairs are drawn up after she
has gone down, and a quantity of earth is heaped up over
(the entrance to the cell, so as to prevent it from being
distinguished from the rest of the mound. This is the
punishment of those who break their vow of virginity.

The Priests known as "Sain 3}

[From Numa's day also were dated twelve sacred targets
of bronze, said to have the virtue of guarding the city from
pestilence.]

The keeping of these targets was committed to the charge
of certain priests, called Salii, who received their name from
that jumping dance which the Salii themselves use, when in
the month of March they carry the sacred targets through
the city ; at which procession they are habited in short frocks
bf purple, girt with a broad belt studded with brass; on their
heads they wear a brass helmet, and carry in their hands short
daggers, which they clash every now and then against the
targets. But the chief thing is the dance itself. They move
tfith much grace, performing, in quick time and close order,
krious intricate figures, with a great display of strength and
igility. The targets are not made round, nor like proper
targets, of a complete circumference, but are cut out into a
wavy line, the ends of which are rounded off and turned in
it the thickest part towards each other.

After Numa had in this manner instituted these several
orders of priests, he erected, near the temple of Vesta, what
s called to this day Eegia ; or king's house, where he spent
;he most part of his time, performing divine service, instruct-
ng the priests, or conversing with them on sacred subjects.
Ee had another house upon the Mount Quirinalis, the site of
tvhich they show to this day. In all public processions and

14 THE FIRST ROMAN AGE

solemn prayers, criers were sent before to give notice to the
people that they should forbear their work, and rest 1 . . .

The Worship of Janus

[Numa is alleged to have reformed the calendar and named the
months.]

January was so called from Janus, and precedence given
to it by Numa before March, which was dedicated to the
god Mars ; because, as I conceive, he wished to take every
opportunity of intimating that the arts and studies of peace
are to be preferred before those of war. For this Janus,
whether in remote antiquity he were a demi-god or a king,
was certainly a great lover of civil and social unity, and one
who reclaimed men from brutal and savage living ; for which
reason they figure him with two faces, to represent the two
states and conditions out of the one of which he brought
mankind, to lead them into the other. His temple at Rome
has two gates, which they call the gates of war, because they
stand open in the time of war, and shut in the times of
peace ; of which latter there was very seldom an example,
for, as the Roman empire was enlarged and extended, it was
so encompassed with barbarous nations and enemies to be
resisted, that it was seldom or never at peace. Only in the
time of Augustus Csesar, after he had overcome Antony,
this temple was shut ; as likewise once before, when Marcus
Atilius and Titus Manlius 2 were consuls ; but then it was
not long before, wars breaking out, the gates were again
opened. But, during the reign of Kuma, those gates were

1 Note the extreme formalism of the Roman religion. The people were
not bound to stop working on religious holidays ; but the priests must not
see them work. Therefore the crier was sent ahead when the priests
passed to warn the people to cease labor just for the moment. The man
beheld working by the priest was subject to a fine.

a In 236 AJ>. shortly after the close of the First Punic War.

BRUTUS CONDEMNS HIS SONS TO DEATH 15

never seen open a single day, but continued constantly shut
for a space of forty-three years together ; such an entire and
universal cessation of war existed. 1

7. BRUTUS CONDEMNS HIS OWN SONS TO DEATH
Livy, "History," book H, chap. 5

This story is the best illustration of the " old Roman discipline,"
its unrelenting severity, and its subordination of all private feelings
to the demands of public duty. It is ascribed to the year 509 B.C.

[An unsuccessful plot *o restore the Tarquin dynasty was dis-
covered, and some of the most prominent youths of Borne were im-
plicated in it, including the sons of Brutus the Consul, the highest
magistrate of the city.]

The traitors were condemned to capital punishment. Their
doom was the more memorable, because the duties of the
consular office imposed upon [Brutus] the father the task of
punishing his own children. He who ought not even to have
witnessed their fate, was ordained by fortune to exact their
punishment. A number of [other] young men of high rank
stood tied to the stake for the requital of their crimes, but
the consul's sons attracted the most attention from the spec-
tators : [although exasperation with their treason destroyed
much of the popular pity].

The consuls seated themselves in their tribunal. The
lictors then, fulfilling their office, stripped the criminals
naked, beat them with the rods and smote off their heads.
During all this time their father presented a touching sight
indeed, in his looks and his whole general manner : for now
and again the feelings of a parent, even as he superintended
the public execution, would burst forth to plain view.

i The reign of Numa was regularly looked back upon as a kind of a
Golden Age. It is needless to say that Early Rome never enjoyed this im-
munity from war.

16 THE FIRST ROMAN AGE

8. HOW HOBATIUS HELD THE BRIDGE

Livy, "History," book II, chaps. 9, 10

The story of " Horatius at the Bridge " and how he saved Rome,
when she was in deadly peril from attack by Lars Porsena, lord of
the Etruscans, would not be worth reproducing, so familiar is it,
were it not for the natural interest in the original narrative as re-
hearsed by Livy. It is to be feared the historicity of the incident
will not bear too close inspection. Its alleged date was 508 B.C.

Porsena, thinking it would be glorious for the Tuscans,
if there were a ting in Rome, and a king too of their own
nation, marched on Rome with a hostile army. Never be-
fore did so great terror seize the Senate ; so powerful was
Clusium then, and so great the renown of [its King] Porsena.

Not only did they dread their foreign enemies, but even
their own citizens ; fearing lest the common people, cowed
by fear, should receive the Tarquins [supported by Porsena]
back into the city, and thus gain peace even at the price of
slavery.

Many conciliatory concessions were therefore granted to
the Plebeians by the Senate during these times. [The taxes
were abated, an effort was made to provide salt at a fair
price, and, as a result, it came to pass that good feeling pre-
vailed in Rome, so that] from the highest to the lowest all
equally detested the name of " King " ; nor did any dema-
gogue in later times gain greater popularity by his intrigues,
than did the whole Senate then by its excellent government.

Some parts of Rome were secured [against the foe] by
walls; other parts by the barrier of the Tiber; but the
Sublician Bridge nearly afforded a passage to the enemy
had there not been one man, Horatius Codes whom the
Fortune of Rome gave for a bulwark that day who chanced
to be posted as a guard on the bridge. When he saw the
Janiculum [the hill across the Tiber] carried by a sudden

508 B.C.] HOW HORATIUS HELD THE BRIDGE 17

assault, and the enemy charging thence with full onset,
while his friends in terror and confusion were actually cast-
ing away their arms, he laid hold on them one by one ; and
standing out in the way [of the fugitives] he appealed to
them in the name of gods and men, and cried out : " Their
flight would profit nothing, if they fled their posts. If they
once left the bridge behind them, there would soon be more
foes on the Palatine hill and the Capitol than on the Janicu-
luin!" He therefore urged and enjoined them "to hew
down the bridge, by sword, fire, or any means; and he would
stand the brunt of the foe, so far as one man might."

Thereat he advanced to the first entrance of the bridge,
and faced about, to engage the foe hand to hand, with so
surprising a front that he terrified the enemy. But two
other Romans, impelled by conscious shame, stood with
him, Spurius Lartius and Titus Herminius, men of high
birth and of brave renown. With them, Horatius for a little
stood back the first onset, and the fiercest brunt of the
battle. But now the men hewing down the bridge called
on them to retire; and Horatius compelled the others to
fly to safety across the scanty part of the bridge still left.
Then casting his eyes sternly with threatening mien upon
all the Tuscan chiefs, he now challenged them singly, now
taunted them all, as " slaves of proud tyrants, and men who
cared not for their own freedom, and so were come to crush
out the freedom of others ! "

For some little time they hesitated, looking one to the
other, ere commencing the fight ; then mere shame put their
host in motion ; they raised their war shout, and from every
side hurled in their darts on their lone adversary. But all
these darts stuck fast in his shield, and with a firm stand
he held the bridge. Then they strove by a single push to
thrust him down, but hereupon the crashing noise of the
falling bridge, and the cheers of the Romans, checked their
fury with a sudden panic.

18 THE FIRST ROMAN AGE

Thereupon Codes spoke: "Holy Father Tiber, I pray
that thou do receive these my arms, and this thy soldier in
thy benignant stream."

All in his armor he sprang down into the river, and while
darts showered around him he swam across quite safely to
his friends, the hero of a deed which generations to come
will more easily glorify than believe. The state was not
ungrateful for his valor. A statue was erected to him in
the assembly place [in the Forum] and as much land was
given him as he was able to plow around in a single day.

CHAPTER II
THE GROWTH OF THE REPUBLIC

The story of the growth of early Borne is the story of a small
city surrounded by a small farming community, rent within by
feuds and beset without by hostile neighbors. Rome was obliged
to be master of her own house and her own energies before she
was able to embark on her great period of conquest. Small and
humble as these civic contests and border warfare might seem,
they were pregnant with vast accomplishment for the future. In
the strife betwixt Patrician and Plebeian were learned those les-
sons in mutual concession, in the developing of practical political
expedients and in the honest submission to an unwelcome fact
when the battle had been fairly ended, which were to stand Rome
in such good stead when she was summoned to rule the nations.
In the petty frontier warfare with Volscian and Etruscan was
slowly perfected that military art which was to make the Roman
armies the most efficient war machines which, weapons considered,
the world has ever witnessed.

Many of the details of this early Republican period are obscure ;
our records are often dubious and scanty, but the great facts stand
patent. In this chapter are given some of the narratives of Livy
as to certain capital events, stories that are always picturesque,
and which we will gladly try to believe to be true. A typical
incident from Plutarch is given, and in addition a couple of ex-
cerpts from Polybius illustrative of conditions in Rome when the
Republic had fairly embarked on its voyage toward empire.

9. THE SECESSION OF THE PLEBS AND THE FIRST TRIBUTES
Livy, " History," book H, chaps. 23-04 and 32-33

The mutiny of the Plebs and the setting up of the first trib-
unes form, of course, a cardinal point in the history of the Roman

19

20 THE GROWTH OF THE REPUBLIC

Republic. But note the essentially peaceful character of the
resistance ; it was a " strike " rather than a revolt, despite bitter
and prolonged grievances. A Greek city in like condition would
have been rent asunder by armed conflicts, and the defeated party
would probably have tasted massacre or, at best, exile. The Roman
habit was to obey the law, except when it became intolerable, and
then to resist simply enough to redress the immediate wrong,
not to put through a "Reform Program." This willingness to
sink private or class wrongs in the public good was one of the
secrets of the successes of the Republic.

War with the Volscians was threatening, but the state
was also sorely disturbed within itself, the animosity be-
twixt Senate and people glowing now to white heat, largely
on account of the imprisonments for debt. Loud was the
complaint that while men were fighting abroad for lands
and liberty, they were seized and oppressed at home by
their own fellow citizens ; and that the " liberty of the peo-
ple" was more secure in war than in peace. This feeling
of discontent increasing of itself was still further aggravated
by a case of individual suffering.

A certain aged man thrust himself into the Forum, with
all the tokens of his miseries upon him. His clothes were
utterly squalid ; his very body was shocking, pale and ema-
ciated as it was. His long beard and hair impressed, too, a
savage wildness upon his features. Notwithstanding his
wretched state he was nevertheless recognized, and it was
repeated how he had been a centurion, and, while pitying
him, men announced his other distinctions won in the public
service, while he displayed the various scars on his breast,
witnesses as they were to honorable battles.

[As the multitude gathered and questioned him he told
hoyr,] " while serving in the Sabine War, because he had not
merely lost the produce of his little farm through the hostile
ravagers, but also because his house had been burned, his
goods stolen, his cattle driven away, and too because a

494 B.C.] THE SECESSION OF THE PLEBS 21

tax had been imposed [on Mm at that very distressing
time, he had fallen into debt. Then this debt had aggra-
vated. First he had been stripped of his father's and his
grandfather's farm, then of his other property.] Finally
he was seized in person by his creditor, and haled away, not
into mere slavery, but into a regular house of correction
and punishment. He finally displayed his back, all covered
with the marks of the stripes so lately inflicted.

The Outbreak of Rioting

Hearing and seeing this, the people rose in great uproar.
No longer was the tumult in the Forum merely ; it spread
all over the city. Those who had been in bonds for debt
and those also at liberty rushed into the streets from all
quarters, begging the protection of the multitude. Every-
where there was a spontaneous banding together and sedi-
tion. Down all the streets they ran with clamorous shout-
ing, and so into the Forum. Such of the Senators as they
met there were hustled by the mob to their no slight peril ;
nor would the people have stopped short of extreme violence
had not the consuls Publius Servilius and Appius Clau-
dius bestirred themselves hastily to quiet the uproar.

Turning on the consuls, the multitude displayed their
chains and other tokens of misery, and thus taunted the
consuls; then they demanded, with threatenings rather
than as petitioners, that they " assemble the Senate " ; while
they posted themselves around the Senate House in a body,
resolved to witness and to control all the public counsels.

[The Senators met in great fear, and the people in turn put
little confidence in their professions, while the consuls lacked
harmony among themselves. In the midst of the peril news came
of an attack by the Volscians. To induce the people to take up
arms, the consul Servilius suspended the rigors of the law. The
foreign peril was thus speedily ended, but simultaneously the oppres-

22 THE GROWTH OF THE REPUBLIC

sion of the debtors began again. The Patricians would yield noth-
ing especially Appius Claudius urged a policy of extreme severity.
The only thing that seemed able to prevent a downright revolt was
the keeping of the commons continually in the army, and hence
subject to rigid military discipline. Despite all this, the Patricians
did not yield. At length the sedition came to a head.]

TJie Plebeians go to the Sacred Mount

At first it was proposed to kill the consuls, in order to
discharge the men from their oath of obedience ; but when
it was asserted that no religious obligation could be dis-
charged by a mere crime, on the advice of one Sicinius, they
retired without any orders from the consuls, to the " Sacred
Mount" beyond the river Anio, three miles from Rome.

There, without any regular leader, they fortified their
camp with a rampart and a trench, and remained quiet, tak-
ing nothing but the food they needed. Thus they kept to
themselves for some days, neither attacked themselves nor
attacking others.

Meantime in the city was panic and mutual fear. The
Plebeians, still in Rome, dreaded the violence of the Senators ;
these in turn dreaded the commons, and were doubtful
whether they wished them to stay [as hostages for the rest]
or to depart. [Everybody questioned how long the mutineers
would remain quiet, and what would happen if a foreign foe
fell upon Rome.]

Menenius Agrippa brings back the Plebeians

Therefore it was determined to send out an ambassador
to the Plebeians, Menenius Agrippa, an eloquent man and
withal acceptable, because he himself was of humble origin.
When he was admitted to the camp, he is said to have re-
lated this story. " Once upon a time the parts of the human
body did not agree together, but the various members had
each their own policy; and it befell that the other parts

HOW THE PLEBEIANS 'WON THE CONSULSHIP 23

were indignant that everything was procured for the belly
by their care, while the belly did nothing but enjoy the
pleasures they afforded it. So they conspired : the hands
should no more carry food to the mouth, the mouth would
not receive it, nor the teeth chew it. But while they wished
to subdue the belly by famine, these parts themselves, and
the whole body, were reduced to the last degree of emacia-
tion. Thus it became evident that the service of the belly
was by no means a slothful one [but that it had a most im-
portant purpose].

By comparing thus how similar was the sedition within
the body to the resentment of the people against the Sena-
tors, he made an impression on the minds of the multitude.
A commencement was accordingly made toward a reconcilia-
tion, and it was allowed that " the Plebeians should have
their own magistrates, with inviolable privileges ; and these
men should have the right of bringing assistance against
the Consuls ; nor could any Patrician hold these [Plebeian]
offices." -

Thus two tribunes of the Plebeians were created, Gaius
Licinius and Lucius Albums.

10. How THE PLEBEIANS WON THE CONSULSHIP

Livy, "History," book VI, chaps. 34-42

The struggle about the " Sexto-Licirdan Laws" (376 to
367 B.C.), described in this passage, was practically the end of
the long battle between the Patricians and the Plebeians. It is
true, the final capitulation of the Patricians did not come until the
"Hortensian Law" of 286 B.C., but from 367 B.C. onward the
Komans were in such a position of inner harmony that they could
devote most of their energies to the great task of subjugating
Italy. Again is to be noticed the methods of merely passive
resistance employed by the Plebeian malcontents, and their re-
fraining from those drastic measures which mark the average
revolution.

24 THE GROWTH OF THE REPUBLIC

[At this time there was a lull in the civic disturbances .
The Plebeians did not consider the " consular tribuneship "
to which they were nominally eligible to be really within
their power of winning, and the Patricians seemed to have]
recovered possession of an honor which had been seized for
only a few years by the commonalty. A trifling cause, as
generally happens, had the result of producing a mighty
outcome ; and this now intervened to stop the Patricians'
exultation.

[Two daughters of Ambustus, a prominent Patrician,
were married; one to a Plebeian, the other to a Patrician.
The former repined over the superior honors and state of
her sister, whose husband was then consular tribune, and
she complained bitterly to her father. Ambustus thereupon
promised] " that she should soon see the same honors at her
own house, which she had just seen at her sister's." He
then proceeded to concert plans with his son-in-law [Gains
Licinius], and they attached to the undertaking Lucius
Sextius, a young man of great enterprise, who had found
in his non-patrician birth the chief barrier to his ambition

The Proposals of Sextius and Licinius

There appeared a favorable opportunity for making inno-
vations on account of the immense load of debt ; since the
Plebeians could hope for no lightening of the burden unless
their own party gained control of the highest magistracies.
To this end they realized they must exert themselves.
After Gaius Licinius and Lucius Sextius had been elected
tribunes of the Plebs, they proposed laws aimed directly at
the Patricians and for the benefit of the commonalty. The
proposal as to debt was that all interest previously paid
should be deducted from the principal, the remainder to be
paid off in three years by equal installments: the next,
touching the limitation of land, was that no one should

HOW THE PLEBEIANS WON THE CONSULSHIP 25

possess more than five hundred jugera of land: 1 and the
third was that the elections of military tribunes should
cease, and that at least one of the consuls should be chosen
from the Plebeians. These were all matters of vast impor-
tance, and such as could not be obtained without a desperate
struggle.

The Furious Resistance of the Patricians

So was opened a contest in which were staked all those
objects for which men have ever had the keenest desires,
land, money, and public honors. The Patricians were terrified
and dismayed. They could find no other remedy [than
their old expedient] of winning over the colleagues [of these
two tribunes] to oppose their bill.

[The vetoes of the other tribunes prevented the measures from
being put to a vote in the assembly, but Sextius retaliated in
kind.]

" Well is it," spoke he, " that if it is intended that your
protests should possess such power, that by this same weapon
[of prohibition] we should protect the people. Come, Sir
Patricians, call the assembly to select military tribunes. I
will take care that the word VETO, which you hear our col-
leagues chanting with so much pleasure, shall not prove so
very pleasant in turn to you."

Nor were his threats vain. No elections were held, ex-
cept those of the sediles and tribunes of the Plebs. Licinius
and Sextius were reflected tribunes, and they did not allow
any curule magistrates 2 to be appointed. For five* years this
total absence of the [higher] magistrates continued. The
Plebeians, however, continued to reelect the two [radical]

1 About 300 acres. This measure seems only to have applied to occupa-
tion of the public land (ager publlcus} .

2 " Curule magistrates " at this time were practically the same thing as
Patrician magistrates.

26 THE GROWTH OF THE REPUBLIC

tribunes of the Plebs, and these in turn prevented the
election of military tribunes.

[In this crisis a war broke out with Velitrae (a Volscian town),
and it was almost impossible to conduct it effectively, owing to the
sturdy opposition now of five Plebeian tribunes, although at first the
two revolutionists had been alone among their ten colleagues ]

Tlie Plebeians are at Last Triumphant

[This opposition and the attitude of the Patricians kept mat-
ters for years at a deadlock, even actual foreign warfare being
impeded by the tribunes. During the contest a dictator, Publius
Manlius, named a Plebeian, Gains Licinius, as his master of the horse.
At last the resistance of the Patricians broke down.]

The same tribunes Sextius and Licinius were reflected at
length for the tenth time ; and they succeeded in passing a
law which provided that of " The Board of Ten for attending
to Religious Matters" one half should be Plebeians. This
step seemed to open the way to the Consulship. [Soon after
the dictator Camillus returned after defeating the Gauls]
and by great struggles his opposition and that of the Senate
were overcome. The elections for consuls were then held
in spite of the resistance of the nobles, and Lucius Sextius
was elected the first consul of Plebeian rank.

This was not entirely the end of the contest. The Patri-
cians withheld their consent to the proceedings, and matters
were close to a "Secession of the Plebeians," and other
direful threats of civic tumult, but through the interference
of the dictator matters were compromised, the Patricians
yielded to the Plebeians one consul ; and the Plebeians in
turn granted to the Patricians that one of the latter should
be elected as praetor to administer justice in the city. 1

Harmony being at length restored among the orders, the

i Virtually he was almost a third consul, although without the same
formal honors.

HOW CINCINNATUS SAVED A ROMAN ARMY 2?

Senate [ordered that magnificent games should be held to
celebrate the return of concord.]

11. HOW ClNOINNATUS SAVED A ROMAN ARMY

Livy, " History," book in, chaps. 26-39

The following story ascribed to 458 B.C. was one that later
ages of Romans delighted to recall as a typical anecdote of the
" good old times " ; and the lapse of centuries does not make the
"Republican simplicity" of Cincinnatus any less delightful.
Note that the wars of Rome were still almost neighborhood
affairs. The enemies of the Roman Republic, in its first century,
were planted a very few miles away ; and very gradually did the
city by the Tiber cease to have only a mere Ager some farm
lands outside the walls and a few villages ; and come to possess
an Imperium } a wide-stretching domain, with the frontier far
distant.

[The Roman army was led out against the ^Equians by the
consul Minucius, and being unskillfully generalled was presently
inclosed by the enemy, who soon held the camp closely besieged.
Just before their lines were inclosed, five Roman horsemen
escaped through to the city with tidings of the peril. The alarm
in Rome was great, and it was resolved to call in Lucius Quintius
Cincinnatus to act as dictator in the emergency.]

He [Cincinnatus] the sole hope of the Romans, cultivated
a little farm of four jugera 1 across the Tiber. There he
was either pushing upon a stake in a ditch, or busy plow-
ing [when the envoys of the Senate came]. After saluting
him they bade him put on his toga and listen, to the com-
mands of the Senate. He was greatly astonished and
asking repeatedly "if everything was safe?" called
to his wife Racilia, " to bring his toga from the hut."

When he had put it on, and wiped off some of his sweat
and dust, he presented himself; and the envoys at once
congratulated him and saluted him as dictator ; next they

1 About two and a half acres.

28 THE GROWTH OF THE REPUBLIC

summoned Mm into the city and explained the sore plight
of the army.

[He entered the city with due state, and spent the night
posting guards and making preparations. The next morn-
ing he was in the Forum ere daylight, and named Lucius
Tarquitius his master of the horse. Then he ordered] a
suspension of all civil business, ordered all the shops in the
city closed, and forbade any one to attend to any private
affairs. His next command was for every man of military
age to be with his weapons at the Campus Martius ere sun-
down, with five days' provisions and twelve stout stakes,
[while the older men were to be preparing victuals for the
soldiers. Throughout Rome there prevailed the greatest
zeal and bustle.]

When the troops were formed, the dictator marched at
the head of the infantry, and the master of the horse at the
head of the cavalry. In both divisions the orders ran " to
go on the double-quick. The consul and his Romans were
besieged. They had now been shut in three whole days,
and everything might be decided in a moment ! " And
the troops, to please their chiefs, were always shouting,
" Hurry, standard-bearer ! Follow on, comrade ! " At mid-
night they were at Algidum, and halted near the enemy.

["The dictator then reconnoitered and presently] drew the
whole host in a long column around the enemy's cauip, and
ordered that on the signal they should all raise the war
shout and thereupon every man throw up a trench before
his position and fix the stakes he had in it [This was
successfully done, and the besieged Romans took heart at
the shout, saying " Aid was at hand ; whereupon the con-
sul promptly ordered a sortie. The night passed amid
fighting and with terror and confusion for the JSquians.]

At dawn the JSqnians were encompassed by the dictator's
barriers, and scarce able to maintain the fight against a
single army j but their lines were now attacked by Cincm-

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE GAULS 29

natus's men also. So they were attacked furiously and
continuously from both, sides. Then, in their distress, they
appealed to the dictator and the consul not to turn the
victory into a massacre, but to suffer them to depart with-
out their arms. The consul, however, ordered them "to go
to the dictator " ; and the latter in his wrath against them,
added ignominy to mere defeat. He ordered Gracchus
Cloelius, their general, and their other leaders, to be haled
before him in fetters, and enjoined that they should evacu-
ate the town of Cor bio [but asserted] : " He did not want
their blood. They could depart, but at last they must be
brought to confess that their nation had been vanquished
and crushed ; and so they must c pass under the yoke.' "

The " yoke " is formed of three spears, two whereof are
fixed in the ground, and one is tied across between the upper
ends. Under this "yoke" the dictator sent the ^Equians.
Their camp was taken, full of every kind of booty, for
they were sent away naked ; and the dictator distributed
the spoil to his own men only [telling the consul's army it
was reward enough that they were rescued. But this army,
grateful to Cincinnatus for his services, voted him] a golden
crown of a pound's weight, and saluted him as their
"patron," when they marched forth [from their camp].

[He reentered Rome in triumph, the spoils and captive
chiefs accompanying his procession, amid general rejoicing;
and] he laid down his dictatorship on the sixteenth day, al-
though he had received it for six months.

12. THE PERSONAL TRAITS AND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE

GAULS

Ammianus Marcellinus, "History," book XV, chap. 12

The following characterization? of the Gauls is by a decidedly
late Roman writer (fourth century A.D.), but the description is
probably true in many substantial details to the followers of Brennus,

30 THE GROWTH OF THE REPUBLIC

who sacked Rome in 390 B.C. In the description will be noticed
certain prominent traits of the less civilized classes of the Celtic
peoples of to-day*

Nearly all the Gauls are of a lofty stature, fair and of
ruddy complexion ; terrible from the sternness of their eyes,
very quarrelsome, and of great pride and insolence. A
whole troop of foreigners would not be able to withstand a
single Gaul if he summoned his wife to his assistance. The
woman is usually very strong, and with blue eyes : [some-
times] swelling her neck, gnashing her teeth, and brandishing
her huge sallow arms, she begins to strike blows mingled
with kicks, as if they were so many darts shot out of a cata-
pult.

The voices of most Gauls are fierce and threatening,
whether they are in good humor or angry ; they are all ex-
ceedingly careful of cleanliness and neatness, nor in all the
country, and especially in Aquitania [in the Southwest]
could any man or woman, however poor, be seen either dirty
or ragged. The men of every age are equally inclined to
war, and the old men and men in the prime of life answer
with equal zeal the call to arms, their bodies being hardened
by their cold weather and their constant exercise, so that
they are all inclined to despise dangers and terrors. Nor
has any Gaul ever cut off his thumb [for fear of being levied
in the army] as men have clone in Italy.

The Gauls are fond of wine, and of similar liquors. And
many people of the lower classes, whose senses have been
unsettled by continual intoxication, which the saying of
Cicero defined to be a kind of voluntary madness, run about
in all directions at random: so that there appears to be some
point in that saying which is found in Cicero's oration in
defense of Fonteius, " that henceforth the Gauls will drink
their wine less strong than formerly" because, it would
seem, they thought there was poison in it.

390 B.C.] THE GEESE OF THE CAPITOL 31

13. THE GEESE OF THE CAPITOL

Livy, "History," book V, chaps. 47-49. Bonn Translation

The story here given of how the Capitol was saved from surprise,
and how later the Gauls were ejected from Borne [390 B.C.] is
another tale of Livy which is never spoiled by repeating. The in-
cident of the geese is probably in the main historical ; but it is
very doubtful whether the Gauls were attacked by the dictator
Camillus as here described. Probably they retired with their ran-
som money, and any vengeance with the sword came considerably
later.

The Capitol of Kome was meantime in great danger ; for
the Gauls had remarked the easy ascent [to it] by the rock
at the Temple of Carmentis. On a moonlight night, after
they had first sent ahead a man unarmed to test the way, by
alternately supporting and being supported by one another,
and drawing each other up, as the ground required, they
gained the summit all in silence. Not merely had they es-
caped the ken of the sentinels, but even the dogs, sensitive
as they are to noises at night, had not been alarmed. But
they did not escape the notice of the geese ; for these crea-
tures were sacred to Juno, and had been accordingly spared
[by the garrison] despite the scarcity of food.

Thus it befell that Marcus Manlius, who had been consul
three years earlier, and who was a redoubted warrior, was
awakened by their hissing and the clapping of their wings.
He snatched his arms, and calling loudly to his fellows, ran
to the spot. Here he smote with the boss of his shield a
Gaul who had already gained a foothold on the summit, and
tumbled him headlong. The fall of this man as he crashed
down dashed over those next to him. Manlius also slew
certain others who in their alarm had cast aside their weap-
ons and were clinging to the rocks. By this time the rest
[of the Bomans] had rushed together, and crushed the enemy
with darts and stones, so that the whole band, dislodged

32 THE GROWTH OF THE REPUBLIC

from their foothold, were hurled down the precipice in gen*
eral ruin.

At daylight, the soldiers were summoned by the trumpet
to attend their [military] tribunes, for the meting out of
rewards for merit and demerit. The first to be commended
for bravery was Manlius, and he was presented with gifts
not merely by the military tribunes, but by the consent of
the soldiers, for they all carried to his house, which was in
the citadel, a donation of half a pound of corn and half a
pint of wine: a trifling matter enough it seems in the
telling, but in the prevailing scarcity a mighty proof of
gratitude. The sentinel, however, who was manifestly neg-
ligent, was cast down from the rock [to his death] with the
approval of all; and from this time forth the guards on
both sides were more vigilant.

How the Gauls were driven from Rome

[At length, however, the garrison became weakened by constant
watching and by famine, while the Gauls found the mined site of
Rome highly unhealthful and the siege wearisome. Negotiations
therefore took place between the leaders on both sides.]

It was agreed between Quintus Sulpicius, a military
tribune, and Btennus, the Gallic chief, that a thousand
pounds weight of gold 1 should be the ransom of a people
so soon to be the veritable rulers of the world. The trans-
action was humiliating enough; but insult was added.
False weights were brought by the Gauls, and when the
tribune objected, the insolent Gaul threw in his sword, as
an additional weight, while uttering words most intolerable
to the Romans. " Woe to the vanquished! 9 '

[But at this moment, according to the story, the dictator
Camillas appeared with his army, raised from the Roman refugees
who had fled to Veii, and he ordered that the gold be withdrawn,
while he told the Gauls to get} ready for battle.]

lit taken literally, about $226,000.

312 B.C.] CENSORSHIP OF APPIUS CLAUDIUS 33

The Gauls were thrown, into confusion by this unexpected
turn. They seized their arms, and with rage, rather than
wisdom, they rushed upon the Bomans. But Fortune now
had changed; the aid of the gods and of human prudence
alike aided the Eomans. At the first encounter the Gauls
were routed, even as easily as they had formerly won the
day at the Allia. After they had fled as far as the eighth
milestone on the Gabii road, they were beaten again by
Camillus in a second battle. There the slaughter was uni-
versal. Their camp was stormed, and not one soul was
left to carry away the tale of the defeat.

Having thus recovered his country from the enemy,
Camillus returned to the city in triumph, and [the soldiers]
styled him, with well-deserved praise, " Bomulus," " Father
of his Country," and " Second Founder of the City I"

14. THE CENSORSHIP OF APPIUS CLAUDIUS

Livy, " History," book IX, chaps. 29, 30, 33, 34, 36. Bofcn Translation

Appius Claudius Caecus (he became blind in his old age) was
censor in 312 B.C. The innovations he wrought during Ms
magistracy may be regarded as part of the general process of
leveling the Patricians with the Plebeians. The Claudii, although
among the very noblest of the Patrician gentes, were often
opposed to their fellow-nobles, and espoused the popular side,
for which they received abundant ill will from the Patricians, as in
the present case. The verdict of history, however, is that Appius
Claudius was a far-sighted statesman : and that the much-abused
sedile Flavius was like unto him.

This censorship of Appius Claudius and Gaius Plautius was
noteworthy. The name of Appius Claudius has, however,
been held in particular remembrance because he made the great
road [called after him the Via Appia], and because he built
a water supply for the city. These works he executed alone,
for his colleague, overwhelmed with shame, by reason of

34 THE GROWTH OF THE REPUBLIC

the infamous and unworthy choice [the censors] made of
senators, had abdicated his office. But Appius possessed
that inflexible temper which from of old had characterized
his family, and he continued to act as censor all by himself.
[For this clinging to office] he was, by the unrelenting
wrath of the gods, some years later, stricken blind.

[When the new consuls came into office the following
year] they complained in the Assembly, that by the evil
choice of senators [by the censors], the Senate had been
disgraced, and declared "they would pay no attention
to such appointments, which had been made merely to
gratify interest or prejudice." They then at once had the
Senate list called over [when they transacted business] in
the same order which had prevailed before this censorship.

Tlie Strike of the Flute Players l

In this year an event occurred which I [Livy] would omit
as trifling if it did not have a certain religious bearing.
The flute players' guild, taking offense because they had
been prohibited by the last censors from holding their
banquets at the Temple of Jupiter, as was their ancient
usage, marched away in a body to Tibur ; so that nobody
was left in Rome to play at the sacrifices. [The Senate
sent envoys to Tibur to get the men sent back, and the
Tiburtines, anxious to please the Senate] first urged the
fellows "to return to Rome." When, however, they could
not prevail on them, they practiced an artifice not unsuitable
for the kind of people they had to deal with. On a festival
day they invited the flute players into separate houses, as if
they wanted to add the pleasures of music to their f tiasis.
There the Tiburtines plied them with wine, of which such

iThe solemn and matter-of-fact manner in which Livy relates this
highly droll incident is an example of the serious manner in which the
Romans took their history how unlike the treatment which would havu
been given by a Greek, e.</. Herodotus 1

310 B.C.] CENSORSHIP OF APPIUS CLAUDIUS 35

fellows are always fond, until they had put them to
sleep.

In this state, all senseless as they were, they threw
them into wagons, and carried them away to Rome. The
flute players knew nothing of the business until, after the
wagons had been left at the Forum, they were awakened by
the daylight, and they found themselves still heavily sick
from their debauch. The people now crowded about them,
and when they had at length promised to stay in Rome,
they were given the privilege of rambling about the city, in
full dress and with their music, every year for a space of
three days.

How Applies Claudius clung to Office

When Appius Claudius was censor and the eighteen
months [legally allowed] for the duration of the censorship
had expired, although his colleague Plautius had already
resigned it, nothing could induce Mm to lay it down. A
certain tribune of the Plebeians, Publius Sempronius, under-
took to bring the censor to trial to force him to lay down
his office; and his action was agreeable to every man of
character. 1 [Sempronius vainly argued with Claudius, de-
manding of him that he obey the law, and not defy the
mandate of a tribune, but Claudius remained obdurate, and
Sempronius at last] ordered the censor to be arrested and
borne off to prison. But though six of the other tribunes
approved of their colleague's doings, three supported Appius
When he appealed to them; and he held the censorship
alone [for the remaining three and a half years to which
he claimed he was entitled] to the great disgust of all
ranks of people. 2

1 Livy with his aristocratic sympathies would not consider that Appius's
*' popular " partisans came within this category.

2 This incident illustrates how a Boman magistracy did not technically
expire with a set term, but had to be resigned formally by the incumbent
before the office became really vacant.

36 THE GROWTH OF THE REPUBLIC

The JEdileship of Flavius

In [303 B.C.] Cneius Flavins, the actual grandson of a
freedman, a notary, and a man of decidedly humble origin,
but artful and eloquent, was elected curule aedile.

Against the nobles, who insulted him for his mean begin-
nings, he contended with much vigor. He published the
rules of proceeding in legal cases, hitherto shut up in the
closets of the pontiffs ; * and hung them up to public view,
around the Forum, written out on white tablets that all
might know when business could be transacted in the courts.
To the wrath of the nobles, he performed the dedication of
the Temple of Concord, 2 and the Pontifex Maximus, Corne-
lius Barbatus, was compelled, by the popular clamors, to
dictate to him the correct formulas, although he asserted
that "according to ancient usage, no one but a consul or
a commanding general could dedicate a temple."

[Flavius showed his ability to deal with the discourtesy
of the nobles in this incident.] He went on a visit to
his sick colleague ; and [at the house] by prearrangement
some young nobles who were sitting there, did not rise on
his entrance ; thereupon he ordered his curule chair to be
brought in, and from this honorable seat he surveyed with
satisfaction his enemies as they were tortured with envy.

It was the faction of the lower classes, however, that had
gathered strength during Claudius's censorship, and which
made Flavius sedile. For Claudius was the first iclio degraded
the Senate by electing into it the immediate descendants of freed-
men. [He also] distributed the persons of the lowest classes
among the several [35] Roman tribes [as full voters] and
thus lie corrupted [to his ends] the popular assemblies.

1 And to be used by the nobles to their own great advantage against the
uninstructed Plebeians.

2 A ceremony which a Patrician would consider peculiarly reserved to
himself.

280 B.C.] CINEAS AND APPIUS CLAUDIUS 37

As for Flavins, so much, indignation did his election excite,
that most of the nobles laid aside their gold rings and
bracelets [as a sign of mourning.]

[Claudius's arrangement was not accepted as permanent,
however. The next censors] Fabius and Decius, to secure
concord and to free the elections from the clutches of the
lowest classes, purged the rest of the tribes of all the
"Forum Babble," and threw it into four tribes only, called
" City Tribes," This arrangement gave general satisfaction.

15. CINEAS AITD APPIUS CLAUDIUS C^icus

Plutarch, " Life of Pyrrhus," chaps. XVHI-XX

Pyrrhus, king of Epirus (born 318 and died 272 B.C.), was
perhaps the ablest general among the galaxy of skillful warriors in
the generation of Graco-Macedonians following Alexander. In
his campaign to save Tarentum from the Eomans, he doubtless
hoped to establish a dominion in the West somewhat correspond-
ing to the great Macedonian's conquests in the East. He found,
however, the Eomans very different enemies from the Persians.
His first victory (280 B.C.) cost him so dear that he was fain to
send Cineas, his clever and extremely eloquent prime minister,
"whose words had won him more cities than his own arms," to
try the effects of negotiation.

[The Eomans, notwithstanding their first defeat by
Pyrrhus at Heracleia,] filled up their legions, and enlisted
fresh, men with all speed, talking high and boldly of war,
which struck Pyrrhus with amazement. He thought it
advisable to send first to make an experiment whether
they had any inclination to treat, thinking that to take the
city and make an absolute conquest was no work for such an
army as his was at that time, but to settle a friendship, and
bring them to terms, would be highly honorable after his
victory. Cineas was dispatched away, and applied himself
to several of the great ones, with presents for themselves

38 THE GROWTH OF THE REPUBLIC

and their ladies from the king ; but not a person would re
ceive any, and answered, as well men as women, that if an
agreement were publicly concluded, they also should be
ready, for their parts, to express their regard to the king.
And Cineas, discoursing with the Senate in the most per-
suasive and obliging manner in the world, yet was not
heard with kindness or inclination, although Pyrrhus
offered also to return all the prisoners he had taken in the
fight without ransom, and promised his assistance for the
conquest of all Italy, asking only their friendship for him-
self, and security for the Tarentines, and nothing further.

Nevertheless, most were well inclined to a peace, having
already received one great defeat, and fearing another from
an additional force of the native Italians, now joining with
Pyrrhus. At this point Appius Claudius [the former
censor], a man of great distinction, but who, because of
his great age and loss of sight, had declined the fatigue of
public business, after these propositions had been made by
the king, hearing a report that the Senate was ready to vote
the conditions of peace, could not forbear, but commanding
his servants to take him up, was carried in his chair through
the forum to the senate house. When he was set down at
the door, his sons and sons-in-law took him up in their arms,
and, walking close round about him, brought him into the
Senate. Out of reverence for so worthy a man, the whole
assembly was respectfully silent.

And a little after raising up himself ; "I bore," said he,
" until this time, the misfortune of my eyes with some
impatience, but now while I hear of these dishonorable
motions and resolves of yours, destructive to the glory of
Rome, it is my affliction, that being already blind, I am not
deaf too.

["You have boasted that you could have defeated Alexan-
der the Great: yet you are about to make peace with this
Pyrrhus who was himself but a humble servant to one of

280 B.C.] CINEAS AND APPIUS CLAUDIUS 39

Alexander's life guard.] Do not persuade yourselves that
making him your friend is the way to send him back, it is
the way rather to bring over other invaders from thence,
contemning you as easy to be reduced, if Pyrrhus goes off
without punishment for his outrages on you, but, on the
contrary, with the reward of having enabled the Tarentines
and Samnites to laugh at the Romans."

Cineas is dismissed without a Treaty

When Appius had done, eagerness for the war seized on
every man, and Cineas was dismissed with this answer, that
when Pyrrhus had withdrawn his forces out of Italy, then,
if he pleased, they would treat with him about friendship
and alliance, but while he stayed there in arms, they were
resolved to prosecute the war against him with all their
force, though he should have defeated a thousand Lsevinuses. 1
It is said that Cineas, while he was managing this affair,
made it his business carefully to inspect the manners of the
Romans, and to understand their methods of government,
and having conversed with their noblest citizens, he after-
wards told Pyrrhus, among other things, that the Senate
seemed to him an assembly of kings, and as for the people,
he feared lest it might prove that they were fighting with a
Lernsean hydra, for the consul had already raised twice as
large an army as the former, and there were many times
over the same number of Romans able to bear arms.

Fdbricius's Dealings with Pyrrhus

Then Caius Fabricius came in embassy from the Romans
to treat about the prisoners that were taken, one whom
Cineas had reported to be a man of highest consideration
among them as an honest man and a good soldier, but ex-
tremely poor. Pyrrhus received him with much kindness,
1 Lsevinus commanded the Romans at the lost battle of Heraclea.

40 THE GROWTH OF THE REPUBLIC

and privately would have persuaded him to accept of his
gold, not for any evil purpose, but calling it a mark of re-
spect and hospitable kindness. Upon Fabricius's refusal, he
pressed him no further, but the next day, having a mind to
discompose him, as he had never seen an elephant before, he
commanded one of the largest, completely armed, to be
placed behind the hangings, as they were -talking together.
Which being done, upon a sign given the hanging was
drawn aside, and the elephant, raising his trunk over the
head of Fabricius, made an horrid and ugly noise. He,
gently turning about and smiling, said to Pyrrhus, "Neither
your money yesterday nor this beast to-day make any im-
pression upon me,"

At supper, amongst all sorts of things that were dis-
coursed of, but more particularly Greece and the philoso-
phers there, Cineas, by accident, had occasion to speak of
Epicurus, and explained the opinions his followers hold
about the gods and the commonwealth, and the object of life,
placing the chief happiness of man in pleasure, and declin-
ing public affairs as an injury and disturbance of a happy
life, removing the gods afar off both from kindness or anger,
or any concern for us at all, to a life wholly without busi-
ness and flowing in pleasures. Before he had done speaking,
" Hercules ! " Eabricius cried out to Pyrrhus, " may
Pyrrhus and the Samnites entertain themselves with this
sort of opinions as long as they are in war with us." Pyr-
rhus, admiring the wisdom and gravity of the man, was the
more transported with desire of making friendship instead
of war with the city, and entreated him, personally, after
the peace should be concluded, to accept of living with him
as the chief of his ministers and generals* Fabricius an-
swered quietly, " Sir, this will not be for your advantage,
for they who now honor and admire you, when they have
had experience of me, will rather choose to be governed by
me, than by you." Such was Fabricius. And Pyrrhus

241 B.C.] TRAINING OF ROMAN NOBLES 41

received his answer without any resentment or tyrannic
passion ; nay, among his friends he highly commended the
great mind of Fabricius, and intrusted the prisoners to
him alone, on condition that if the Senate should not vote a
peace, after they had conversed with their friends and
celebrated the festival of Saturn, they should be remanded.
And, accordingly, they were sent back after the holidays ;
it being decreed pain of death for any that stayed behind.

16. THE TRAINING- OP ROMAN NOBLES IN THE BEST
PERIOD OF THE REPUBLIC

Heitland, " Roman Republic," vol. I, p. 184

The Romans were at their best probably at about the end of
the First Punic War (241 B.C.). Their social system was not-
calculated to produce truly great men ; but it was exceedingly well
calculated to produce men of very fair ability. What was the
strength and what the weakness of the training given young
Eoman noblemen., is well stated by a recent English writer. Let
it be remembered that it was men trained in this manner who
finally wore away the genius of Hannibal.

[Amid austere] surroundings the young Eoman, of good
family grew up. Beared in the stern unchallenged disci-
pline of home, he willingly attended his father as he went
through the duties and occupations of the day. Thus he
learned by actual observation at an impressionable age what
things were enjoined or forbidden by ancestral custom.
The exact formalities of sacrifices, the dates of festivals, the
order of proceedings in the various Assemblies, the compe-
tence of the various magistrates, the usages of the law courts,
the forms of buying and selling and contracts, the episodes
of the registration if a Census was being held, or of the
military levy if preparations were on foot for a campaign ;
these and many other matters would from time to time be
present to his eager eyes and ears. He would ask questions

42 THE GROWTH OF THE REPUBLIC

and receive explanations, and bj the time he was himself
of age to begin his public career, he would have acquired a
considerable store of experience and precedent.

As he laid aside the games of childhood, his chief sports
were running and riding on horseback in the Campus
Martius and swimming in the Tiber. With the completion
of Ms sixteenth year he became a man of military age
(juv&nis), liable to be called out for service. From this time
onward he remained a servant of the state, first as a soldier,
later in a civil capacity. His ambition was to be a Roman
of the Romans, to excel in representing a type of which he
and his comrades were not unreasonably proud. And the
nobles of this [best] period, judged from this point of view,
were as a rule efficient and sturdy patriots, worthy of the
support of the sound Roman people, the farmers of the
country side.

In short, the training of the men who led Rome was good
and practical within its own narrow range. It served to
build up the Roman power at home ; it sufficed for the con-
quest of Italy ; [but it broke down when the complicated
problems of a great world empire were thrust upon the Re-
public.]

17. A LEARNED GREEK'S ANALYSIS OF THE ROMAN
CONSTITUTION

Polybius, " History," book VI, chap. 1 ff. Shuckbiirgn's Translation

About the year 140 B.C. Polybius, a learned Greek, wrote tins
analysis of the factors in the Eoman Constitution, which had en-
abled the Latins to master the Carthaginians, Greeks, anil Asiatics.
Polybius had lived long in Italy, and had enjoyed abundant oppor-
tunities for observation. His comments possess an extremely high
value. He wrote shortly before the period of civil commotions,
while the old constitution was still standing outwardly intact, and
with only a few internal signs of decay.

140 B.C.] THE ROMAN CONSTITUTION 43

As for the Koman constitution it had three elements, each
of them possessing sovereign powers, and their respective
share of power in the whole state had been regulated with
such careful heed to equality and poise, that no one could
say surely not even a native whether the constitution
as a whole were an aristocracy or democracy or despotism.
And no wonder ; on looking at the power of the Consuls it
seems despotic ; if on that of the Senate as aristocratic ; and
if finally one regards the power of the People, it would seem
sheer democracy.

TJie Powers of the Consuls

The Consuls, before leading out the legions, remain in
Borne and are chiefs of the [civil] administration. All other
magistrates, save the Tribunes, are under them, and take
their orders. They introduce foreign ambassadors to the
Senate, bring matters requiring deliberation before it, and
see to the execution of its decrees. If, again, there are any
matters of state which require the authorization of the People,
it is their business to see to them, to summon the popular
meetings, to bring the proposals before them, and to carry
out the decrees of the majority. In the preparations for
war also, and in a word in the entire administration of a cam-
paign, they have almost absolute power. They can impose
on the allies such levies as they think good ; also appoint
the military tribunes, make up the roll for soldiers, and
select those that are fit. Besides, they have absolute power
of inflicting punishment on all who are under their command
while on active service ; and they have authority to expend
as much of the public money as they choose, being accom-
panied by a qusestor, who is entirely at their orders. A
survey of these powers would in fact justify our describing
the constitution as despotic, a clear case of royal govern-
ment.

44 THE GROWTH OF THE REPUBLIC

The Powers of the Senate

[But on the other hand] The Senate has first of all
the control of the treasury, and regulates the receipts and
disbursements alike; for the Quaestors cannot issue any
public money for the various departments of the state, with-
out a decree of the Senate, except for the service of the Con-
suls, The Senate controls 3 too, what is by far the largest and
most important expenditure, that, namely, which is made
by the censor every lustrum [fifth year] for the repair or con-
struction of public buildings ; this money cannot be obtained
by the censors except by a grant of the Senate. Similarly all
crimes committed in Italy, requiring a public investigation,
such as treason, conspiracy, poisoning or willful murder, are
in the hands of the Senate. Besides, if any individual or
state among the Italian allies requires a controversy to be
settled, a penalty to be assumed, help or protection to be
afforded all this is in the province of the Senate.

Or again, outside Italy, if it is necessary to send an em-
bassy to reconcile communities at war, or to remind them
of their duty, or sometimes to impose requisitions upon
them, or receive their submission, or finally to proclaim
war against them all this is the business of the Senate.
In like manner the reception to be given to foreign am-
bassadors in Borne, and the answers to be returned to
them, are decided by the Senate. With such business the
People have nothing to do. Consequently, if one were
staying at Rome when the Consuls were not in town, one
would imagine the constitution to be a complete aristocracy,
and this has been the idea held by many Greeks, and by
many kings as well, from the fact that nearly all the busi-
ness they had at Rome was settled by the Senate.

140 B.C.] THE ROMAN CONSTITUTION 45

The Powers of the Roman People

[After this one naturally asks what part is left for the
People, but] they have a part and that a most important
one. For the People are the sole fountain of honor and of
punishment; and it is by these two things, and these
alone, that dynasties, and constitutions, and, in a word, hu-
man society, are held together. The People are the only
court to decide matters of life and death ; also even cases
where the penalty is a fine, if the assessment be a heavy
one, and especially where the accused have held high
magistracies. . . . Men who are on trial for their lives at
Rome, while the sentence is in process of being voted if
evsn only one of the tribes whose votes are needed to ratify
the sentence has not voted, have the privilege at Rome of
openly departing and condemning themselves to a voluntary
exile. Such men are safe at Naples, or Praeneste, or Tibur,
and other towns with whom this arrangement has been
duly ratified on oath.

Again the People bestow public offices on the deserving,
which are the most honorable rewards of virtue. It [the
Popular Assembly] has the absolute power of passing or
repealing laws ; and, most important of all, it is the People
who deliberate on the question of peace or war. And when
provisional terms are made for alliance, suspension of hos-
tilities or treaties, it is the People who ratify or reject them.

These considerations would lead one to say that the chief
power in the state was the People's, that the constitution
was a democracy.

The Relations of Each Part to the Other

I must now show how each of these several parts can, when
they choose, oppose or support one another.

The Consul, then, when he has started on an expedition,
seems to be absolute, still he needs both the People and the

46 THE GROWTH OF THE REPUBLIC

Senate to help him, otherwise he will have no success.
Plainly he must have supplies sent his legions occasionally :
but without a decree of the Senate they can get neither corn,
clothes, nor pay ; so that all the plans of a general are futile,
if the Senate is resolved either to shrink from danger, or to
hamper his plans, And again, whether a Consul shall bring
any undertaking to a conclusion or not, depends entirely on
the Senate ; for it has absolute authority at the end of the
year to send another Consul to supersede him, or to
continue the existing one in his command as [proconsul],
[Again the Senate controls the matter of the much-prized
triumphs] for the generals cannot celebrate them, with the
proper pomp, nor sometimes celebrate them at all, unless the
Senate concurs and grants the necessary money. As for the
People, that body ratifies or rejects treaties, terms of peace
and the like ; and especially when the Consuls lay down
their office they have to give an account of their adminis-
tration, before it. [Consequently the Consuls are obliged to
court popular favor.]

As for the Senate, it is obliged to take the multitude into
account and respect the wishes of the People. It cannot
execute [death sentences] unless the People first ratify its
decrees. Also in matters directly affecting Senators e.g.
laws diminishing the Senate's traditional authority, or de-
priving Senators of certain dignities and office, or even
actually cutting down their property, even in such cases
the People have the sole power of passing or rejecting the
law. But most important of all is the fact that, if the
[Popular] Tribunes interpose their veto, the Senate not
merely cannot pass a decree, but cannot even hold a meeting
at all, formal or informal. Now the Tribunes are always
bound to execute the will of the People, and above all
things to have regard to the public wishes ; therefore for
all these reasons the Senate stands in awe of the multitude,
and cannot neglect the feelings of the People.

140 B.C.] THE ROMAN CONSTITUTION 47

In like manner the People are far from being independent
of the Senate. For contracts innumerable are given out by
the Censors to all parts of Italy for the repair or construc-
tion of public buildings ; there is also the collection of
revenues from many rivers, harbors, forests, mines, and
land, everything in a word that comes under the control
of the Roman government ; and in all these the People at
large are engaged; so that there is scarcely a man, so to
speak, who is not interested either as a contractor or as
being employed in the works. For some purchase the con-
tracts from the censors themselves ; others go partners with
them, while others again go security for these contractors,
and actually pledge their property to the treasury for them.
Now over all these transactions the Senate has absolute
control ; it can grant an extension of time, [in emergency it
can lighten or release the contract, or enforce it on the
contractors with such severity as to ruin all involved.]
But most important of all is the fact that the judges are
taken from the Senate for most lawsuits, whether criminal
or civil, in which the charges are heavy. Consequently all
citizens are at the Senate's mercy ; they do not know when
they may need its aid, and are cautious about resisting or
actively opposing its will. For a similar reason men do
not rashly resist the Consuls, because every one may become
subject to their absolute [military] authority on a campaign.

The Excellence of the Roman Constitution

The result of this power of the several estates for mutual
help or harm is a union sufficiently firm for all emergencies,
and a constitution which it is impossible to find a better.
Whenever any foreign danger compels them to unite and
work together, the strength which is developed by the
State is so extraordinary that everything required is un*
failingly carried out by the eager rivalry of all classes,

48 THE GKOWTH OF THE REPUBLIC

while each individual works, privately and publicly alike,
for the accomplishment of the business in hand.

18. THE HONESTY OF ROMAN OFFICIALS AT THE BEST
PERIOD OF THE REPUBLIC

Polybius, " History," book VI, chap. 56. Shuckburgh's Translation

Before the decline of the old Roman spirit the honesty and gen-
eral integrity of the Roman officials was something that excited
the admiration and wonderment of the -vastly more venal Greeks.
Polybius also considers them far superior to the Carthaginians.
Beyond a doubt this high standard of honor was as much of help
to the Romans in then- wars as many additional swordsmen.

The Roman customs and principles regarding money
transactions are better than those of the Carthaginians. In
the view of the latter nothing is disgraceful that makes for
gain ; with the former nothing is more disgraceful than to
receive bribes and to make profit by improper means. For
they regard wealth obtained by unlawful dealings as much
a subject of reproach as a fair profit from the most unques-
tioned source is of commendation. A proof of the fact is
this. The Carthaginians obtain office by open bribery, but
among the Romans the penalty for it is death. With such
a radical difference, therefore, between the rewards offered
virtue among the two peoples, it is natural that the ways for
obtaining them should be different also. . . .

[Again as contrasted with the Greeks, the Romans have
the advantage, especially through their more sincere reli-
gious faith.] To my mind the Ancients were not acting at
random when they brought in among the vulgar those opin-
ions about the gods and the belief in the punishments in
Hades; much rather do I think that men nowadays are
acting rashly and foolishly in rejecting them. This is the
reason, why apart from anything else, Greek statesmen, if
intrusted with a single talent, though protected by ten

II Century B.C.] THE HONESTY OF OFFICIALS 49

checking clerks, as many seals, and twice as many witnesses,
yet cannot be induced to keep faith ; whereas the Eomans,
in their magistracies and embassies, have the handling of
great sums of money, but from pure respect of their oath
keep their faith intact. And again in other nations, it is a
rare thing to find a man who keeps his hands out of the
public purse, and is entirely pure in such matters; but
among the Eomans it is a rare thing to detect a man com-
mitting such a crime.

Some Specific Instances of Roman Honesty

[In another passage Polybius concedes that recently in his own
day the Eomans had declined from this high standard of virtue;
still he holds them in the main highly honest.] [Book XVIII,
chap. 35.]

As evidence that I am making no impossible assertion, I
would quote two names, which will command general as-
sent, I name first Lucius JEmilius, who conquered Perseus
and won the kingdom of Macedonia. In that kingdom, be-
sides all the other splendor and wealth, was found in the
treasury more than 6000 talents of gold and silver [over
$6,000,000], yet he was so far from coveting any of this
that he even refused to see it, and administered it by the
hands of others. And this though he was not at all very
rich; on the contrary, very poorly off. At least I know
that on his death, which occurred shortly after the war, when
his own sons Publius Scipio and Quintus Masimus wished
to pay his wife her dowry, amounting to twenty-five talents
[say $25,000], they were reduced to such straits they would
have been unable to do so if they had not sold the household
furniture and slaves, and some landed property besides.
[This fact] seemingly incredible [can be readily ascertained
on a few inquiries at Eome.]

Again Publius Scipio, son by blood of this JSmilius, and

50 THE GROWTH OF THE REPUBLIC

[grandson by adoption of Scipio the Great], when he got
possession of Carthage, reckoned the wealthiest city in the
world, took absolutely nothing of it for his own private use,
either by purchase or by any other means of acquisition
whatever, although he again was by no means a rich man,
but of very moderate estate for a Roman. But he not only
abstained from all the wealth of Carthage, but refused to
allow anything from Africa at all to be mixed up with his
private property.

[Book XXXII, chap. 8, Polybius, speaking again of the disin-
terestedness and incorruptibility of many Romans, warns his Greek
hearers against disbelief even if to them such probity seems in-
credible.]

Let my readers fully consider that the Romans more
than any other people will take my books in their hands,
because the most splendid and numerous achievements
recorded therein belong to them; and with them the truth
about the facts could not possibly be unknown. No one
then would voluntarily expose himself to certain disbelief
and contempt. And let this be kept in mind when I seem
to make a startling assertion about the Romans.

19. ROMAJST STATE FTJNEKALS AND THEIR INFLUENCE

Polybius, " History," book VI, chaps. 52 and 53. Shuckburgh's Translation

How under the old Republican system, some even of the essen-
tially private acts of society were made to minister to a worthy
public end is set forth by Polybius. The great state funerals at
Rome must have awakened almost as much interest as the games
in the circus.

One example will be sufficient to show the pains taken by
the Roman state to turn out men ready to endure anything
to win a reputation in their country for valor. [It is this :]
Whenever one of their famous men dies, in the course of his

200 B.C.] ROMAN STATE FUNERALS 51

funeral, the body with all its paraphernalia is carried into
the Forum to the Rostra, as a raised platform there is called,
and sometimes is propped upright upon it so as to be con-
spicuous, or more rarely is laid upon it. Then with all the
people standing around, the son of the deceased, if he has
left one of full age and he is there, or failing him, one of
his relations, mounts the Rostra and delivers a speech con-
cerning the virtues of the departed, and the successful ex-
ploits performed by him in his lifetime.

By these means the people are reminded of what has been
done, and made to see it with their own eyes: not only
such as were engaged in the actual transactions, but those
also who were not; and their sympathies are so deeply
moved, that the loss appears not to be confined to the actual
mourners, but to be a public one affecting the whole people.
After the burial and the usual ceremonies have been per-
formed, they place the likeness of the deceased in the most
conspicuous spot in his house, surmounted by a wooden
canopy or shrine. This likeness consists of a mask made
to represent the deceased with extraordinary fidelity both
in shape and color. These likenesses they display at public
sacrifices adorned with much care.

When any illustrious member of the family dies, they
carry these masks to the funeral, putting them on men
whom they think as like the originals as possible, in
height and other personal peculiarities. And these sub-
stitutes assume clothes, according to the rank of the person
represented; if he was a consul or praetor, a toga with
purple stripes ; if a censor, a toga wholly of purple ; I if he
had celebrated a triumph or performed any like exploit, a
toga embroidered with gold. These representatives also
themselves ride in chariots, while the fasces and axes, and
all the other customary insignia of the peculiar offices, lead

1 There is some reason to doubt whether Polybius is correct here about
the censor's robes.

52 THE GROWTH OF THE REPUBLIC

the way, according to the dignity of the rank in the state
enjoyed by the deceased in his lifetime. Upon reaching
the Rostra they all take their seats on ivory [curule] chairs
in their order.

The Public Gain from Sucti Display

There could not easily be imagined a more inspiring
spectacle than this for a young man of noble ambitions and
virtuous aspirations. For can we conceive any one to be
unmoved at the sight of all the likenesses collected together
of the men who have earned glory, all as it were living and
breathing ? Or what could be a more glorious spectacle ?

[After the eulogy of the person just died, other eulogies
are delivered recounting the great deeds of each ancestor
represented.] By this means the glorious memory of brave
men is continually renewed ; the fame of those who have
wrought any noble deed is never allowed to die ; and the
renown of those who have done good service to their father-
land becomes a matter of common knowledge to the multi-
tude and part of the heritage of posterity. But the chief
gain comes from inspiring young men to shrink from no
exertion for the general welfare, in hope of obtaining the
glory that awaits the brave ; and many Romans have indeed
volunteered to decide a whole battle by single combat, and
not a few have accepted certain death. [There are many
cases of heroic self-sacrifice for the sake of the fatherland.]

CHAPTER III
THE DEATH STRUGGLE WITH CARTHAGE

Almost no wars in history rise to the importance of the "Punic
Wars" between Rome and Carthage. If Rome had "been ruined
soon after she united Italy under her sway ; if the task of civi-
lizing Spain, Gaul, Britain had been intrusted to the merchant
princes and the priests of Baal of the great Semitic city of Africa,
here again as of the Persian Wars one may say history
would have been so altered, that it is waste of time to conjecture
what might have emerged. Not merely did Rome destroy Car-
thage, but in the tremendous military effort involved she devel-
oped an army system which made her subsequent conquest of the
discordant Hellenistic kingdoms mere child's play. The victory of
Zama carried with it by implication the victories of Cynoscephalse,
Magnesia, Pydna, Corinth, and the great battles won over Mith-
ridates.

In the Punic Wars we see the Roman national genius at its
best. Brilliant individual leaders are few or none. Even Scipio
the Elder barely rises to the rank of a genuine rival to Hannibal.
But the spirit of the Roman people is superb. The courage and
wisdom of the Senate in the great crises marks the Roman nobil-
ity on the whole as the ablest aristocracy the world has ever seen.
We know that Rome conquered because she deserved to conquer,
and no admiration naturally evoked for the dauntless achievements
of Hannibal can destroy our greater admiration for the race of
hard-headed, hard-handed Italian farmers, who never quailed at
any disaster, who never "despaired of the Republic," who never
counted treasure or effort or life too dear for the "Patria."

To one fact our study of merely military details must not make
us blind. Rome was victorious, but at an exceedingly heavy
price. Tens of thousands of her youth had perished. Industry,

53

54 THE DEATH STRUGGLE WITH CARTHAGE

agriculture, and commerce had been nigh ruined throughout the
peninsula. An undue accent had been laid upon the war virtues,
so that it must have been exceedingly hard for very many Italians
to settle down again to the quiet arts of peace. If the wars,
however, had almost ruined the hardy country yeomanry, they had
brought easily won riches to many of the aristocracy, who would
be anxious for new wars, commands, and pillagings. The direct
result of the Punic Wars was the conquests in the East and -the
extension of the Roman provincial system around the Mediterra-
nean; but the period of civil war and of painful reconstruction
which followed these conquests was likewise almost as truly the
result of the great struggle with Carthage.

Nearly all the excerpts in this chapter relate of course to" the
Second Punic War, to which the first war was a mere prelude,
the third an epilogue. We cannot complain that Roman annals
for this period lack vividness or human interest; the only diffi-
culty has been to select among the numerous first-class incidents,
and to make the extracts as short as possible.

20. HORACE'S ODE ON REGULUS'S DEPARTURE FOR
CARTHAGE

Horace, "Odes," book m, ode 5. De Vere's Translations

In 255 B.O. Regulus the consul with most of his army was
taken prisoner by the Carthaginians. In 250 B.C. they sent an
embassy to Rome to solicit peace, accompanied by Regulus, on the
promise that he would return to Carthage if their proposals were
not accepted. Coming before the Senate, Regulus urged the Ro-
mans to reject the terms of peace and, resisting the entreaties of
his friends, returned to Carthage, where he was put to a cruel death.
This incident became famous as an example of true Roman patri-
otism, and is thus glorified by Horace.

With warning voice of stern rebuke
Thus Regulus the Senate shook :
He saw prophetic in far days to come
The heart corrupt and future doom of Rome.

250 B.C.] ODE ON REGULUS'S DEPARTURE 55

" These eyes," he cried, " these eyes have seen

Unbloodied swords from warriors torn.

And Roman standards nailed in scorn

On Punic shrines obscene ;

Have seen the hands of free-born men

Wrenched back and bound ; th ; unguarded gate ;

And fields our war laid desolate

By Romans tilled again.

" What ! will the gold-enfranchised slave
Return more loyal or more brave?

Ye heap but loss on crime ?
The wool that Cretan dyes disdain
Can ne'er its virgin hue regain :
And valor fallen and disgraced
Revives not in a coward breast

Its energy sublime.

" The stag released from hunters' toils
From the dread sight of man recoils,
Is he more brave than when of old
He ranged the forest free ? Behold
In him your soldier ! He has knelt
To faithless foes ; he too has felt
The knotted cord ; and crouched beneath
Fear, not of shame, but death.

"He sued for peace tho 5 vowed to war;
Will such men, girt in arms once more,
Dash headlong on the Punic shore ?
No ! they will buy their craven lives
With Punic scorn and Punic gyves.
mighty Carthage, rearing high
Thy fame upon our infamy,
A city, aye, an empire built
On Roman ruins, Roman guilt ! M

56 THE DEATH STRUGGLE WITH CARTHAGE

Prom the chaste kiss and wild embrace
Of wife and babes he turned his face,

A man self -doomed to die :
Then bent his manly brow, in scorn,
Resolved, relentless, sad, but stern,

To earth, all silently ;
Till counsel never heard before
Had nerved each wavering Senator ;
Till flushed each cheek with patriot shame,
And surging rose the loud acclaim :
Then from his weeping friends, in haste,
To exile and to death he passed.

He knew the tortures that Barbaric hate

Had stored for him. Exulting in his fate
With kindly hand he waved away
The crowds that strove his course to stay.

He passed them all, as when in days of yore,

His judgment given, thro' client throngs he pressed
In glad Venafrian fields to seek his rest,

Or Greek Tarentum on the Southern shore.

21. THE YOUTH AND CHARACTER OF HANNIBAL

I/ivy, " History," book XXI, chaps. 1, 3, 4

Very few military leaders can be compared to Hannibal ; his
only real peers are Alexander, Caesar, and Napoleon, and there is
some reason to think that he surpasses them all. Considering the
very important part he plays in history, we know surprisingly
little about his personality. This is partly due to the fact that
all Carthaginian accounts of his wars have been lost, and it was
very hard for Roman writers, e.g. Livy, as here quoted, to do
justice to their great enemy. All that the latter say in his praise
may be accepted, and their derogatory remarks may well be ques-
tioned. If Hannibal had been heartily sustained by the home gov-
ernment at Carthage, he might have conquered ; as it was, the

219 B.C.] CHARACTER OF HANNIBAL 57

greatest military genius who ever lived attacked the most military
people which ever existed and the genius was defeated, after a
sixteen years' war.

I [Livy] may be permitted to begin this part of my book
with saying what most historians have announced at the
beginning of their whole narrative, namely that I am
about to relate the most memorable of all the wars which were
ever waged: the war which the Carthaginians, led by Hanni-
bal, maintained with the Roman people. For never did any
other states or nations with mightier recourses join in com-
bat, nor did these nations in question possess, at any other
time, such vast power and energy as then. They brought
into action, too, no arts of war unknown to each other, but
only those which had been previously tested in the First
Punic War ; and again so fluctuating was the conflict, so
hesitant the award of victory, that the side which finally
conquered was for long the side most exposed to danger.
The hatred of the fighters was almost greater than their
power. The Romans were wrathful that those conquered
[in the last war] sliould take the offensive against their
conquerors: the Carthaginians [equally enraged] because
they felt that during their humiliation they had been lorded
over with haughtiness and rapacity.

The loss of Sicily and Sardinia 1 had grieved the high
spirit of Hamilcar [the father of Hannibal] ; for he deemed
that Sicily had been surrendered out of premature despair,
and that Sardinia had been taken treacherously by the
Romans during the uproars [of insurrection against Car-
thage] in Africa ; while in addition a heavy tribute had been
exacted.

[First Hamilcar, and then, after his death, his son-in-law,
Hasdrubal, carried the Carthaginian arms and influence into Spain

1 These islands were of course the fruit of the final Roman victory in
the First Punic War.

58 THE DEATH STRUGGLE WITH CARTHAGE

until the peninsula was almost entirely in the power of the great
African city. Presently Hasdrubal was murdered in a private
quarrel, and the demand was made by the Spanish army that
young Hannibal should take the command.]

No one doubted that in appointing a successor to Has-
drubal, the wishes of the commonalty [of Carthage] would
agree with the desires of the soldiers. The latter indeed
had at once carried Hannibal to the government house, and
hailed him as " General " amid loud cheers and marked
approval. Hasdrubal had earlier sent for him by letter
while he was just arrived to manhood, and his case then
had been discussed in the [Carthaginian] Senate, when the
Barcme faction [to which Hannibal belonged] used all its
influence to secure that he might be trained for military
service, with a view to succeed to his father's command.
Hanno, leader of the opposing party, then said, " Hasdrubal
seems to ask what is reasonable, still I think his request
ought to be refused." [He then went on to argue that
rearing Hannibal in the expectation of a great command
like that in Spain, would fit him only to play the tyrant
over the Carthaginians. He concluded by saying :] " To my
mind this young fellow should be kept at home, under the
restraint of the laws and the power of the magistrates, and
taught to live on an equal footing with the rest of the
citizens, lest at some future time this small fire of his
should kindle a vast conflagration."

A few [Senators] and those of the greatest worth, agreed
with Hanno; but as usually happens the more numerous
faction prevailed over their betters. Hannibal was sent to
Spain,, and from his first arrival caught the eye of the whole
army. The veterans saw again, as it were, Hamilcar in his
youth restored to them ; they beheld the old accustomed
vigor in his looks ; and speedily Hannibal took care that the
memory of his father should be the least of the reasons
why they esteemed him.

219 B.C.] CHARACTER OF HANNIBAL 59

Never was there a genius more fitted for those two mosi
opposite duties obeying and commanding. Not readily
could one decide whether he was more the favorite of his
general or of the army. To none did Hasdrubal prefer in-
trusting the command, rather than to him, when a deed
needing activity and courage was called for. Under no
other leader did the soldiers feel more confidence and
boldness. Before perils Hannibal showed the uttermost
fearlessness, and amid them the uttermost prudence. His
body was not to be exhausted, nor his mind benumbed,
however severe the toil. Heat or cold he endured alike.

The mere wants of nature, not appetite, dictated the
amount of his food and drink. He could sleep or keep
awake at any and all hours. What time he could spare he
indeed devoted to slumber, but for that he asked neither a
soft bed nor a quiet spot. Men have seen him, wrapped in
his military cloak, lying on the bare ground, amid the
watches and outposts of his soldiers. He did not dress
more bravely than his social equals, but he was distinguished
by fine horses and weapons. [In battle] he was pre&mi-
nently the first alike of the horse and of the foot, the
foremost indeed in the charge, but also the last on the
retreat.

Grievous shortcomings, however, counterbalanced these
noble virtues of a true hero. He displayed excessive
cruelty, and more than "Punic" perfidy. 1 He did not
revere the ordinances of religion, and feared not gods,
oaths, nor religious sentiments. With a character thus
made up of a combination of virtues and vices, he served
for three years under the command of Hasdrubal, without
neglecting anything which ought to have been done or
seen by a man who was to become a great general.

1 As suggested in the introduction, Livy is hardly fair to Hannibal.
There is no reason for "believing that he was less humane and oath-keeping
than the average military chieftain of his day.

60 THE DEATH STRUGGLE WITH CARTHAGE

22. HANNIBAL'S HOSTILITY TO ROME
Cornelius Nepos, " Life of Hannibal," chap. 2. Bonn Translation

Never was hatred keener than Hannibal's for Rome. It should
be remembered that he was an Oriental, a Semite, with all the
powers of deep and inveterate passion peculiar to his race. How
in his boyhood he was taught to be the peculiar enemy of Rome
is told in this narrative attributed to himself.

[When Hannibal was an exile at the court of Philip V
of Macedonia, he said to that king : ] " My father Hamil-
car, when I was a very little boy, only some nine years
old, offered sacrifices at Carthage, when he was going to
take command in Spain, to ' Jupiter Best and Greatest/ l
and -\$>hile these rites were going on, he asked me ' Whether
I should like to go with him to camp ? ; As I expressed
extreme willingness to go, and begged him not to delay
taking me, he replied, ' I will do so, if you will give me
the promise which I ask.' Thereupon he led me to
the altar at which he had begun to sacrifice, and, sending the
rest of the company away, required me, taking hold of the
altar, to swear e That I would never Jiold friendship with
the Romans.' This oath, thus taken before my father, I
have most strictly kept even to this day."

23. How THE SECOND PUNIC WAR WAS DECLARED
Livy, "History," book XXI, chap. 18

In 219 B.C. Hannibal having completed his preparations in
Spain, attacked Saguntum, a city on the coast of the peninsula
allied to Kome ; thus precipitating the mighty Second Punic "War.
Probably neither side had the least realization of the tremendous

1 This does not mean that the Carthaginians worshiped the same gods
that the Romans did, but merely shows the Roman tendency to give their
own names to foreign gods. Probably Baal-Moloch was the deity to whom
Hamilcar sacrificed.

219 B.C.] SECOND PUNIC WAR DECLARED 61

and history-making struggle which they were commencing, an&.
which was to end in the ruin of Carthage after almost ruining
Rome.

In order that everything might be done that was proper,
before they commenced the war, the Romans sent Quintus
Fabius [and four others], men of advanced years as ambas-
sadors, to go to Africa and ask the Carthaginians " whether
Hannibal had laid siege to Saguntum by their public au-
thority." 1 And if, as seemed likely, the Carthaginians did
so confess, the envoys were then to declare war upon them.

When the Romans reached Carthage they were given an
audience by the Council. Here Quintus Fabius simply
pressed the question which had been laid upon him, whereat
one of the Carthaginians answered :

" Your former embassy [sent some time ago], good Romans,
was precipitate enough, when you demanded that Hannibal
be surrendered to you, because he had attacked Saguntum on
his own authority. But for this last embassy, although your
words are milder, your demands are really more severe. For
then Hannibal was simply accused, and his surrender re-
quired. 'Now you require of us a [public] confession of
wrong, and as though we had confessed to the fact, restitu-
tion is then promptly demanded. [But the treaty as to your
rights in Spain which is under discussion was made
by Hasdrubal, apparently without our proper authority. So
we decline to argue about that case of Saguntum.] If your
treaties do not bind you unless they are made by your proper
authority, so neither can one bind us which Hasdrubal made
without our knowledge. Cease then [to talk thereof], and
tell us plainly what you have so long been really meditating." 2

Then the Eoman folded up his toga, and said, " Here we

1 Hannibal's attack on Saguntum, a Spanish town allied to Rome, was
the immediate cause of the war.

2 Virtually defying the Romans to do their worst. Evidently the Cartha-
ginian war party was predominant in the Council.

62 THE DEATH STRUGGLE WITH CARTHAGE

bring you peace and war. Take whichever you please. "
To that they cried out no less grimly, " You can give which-
ever you choose ! " Whereupon he shook out the toga.
" I GIVE WAR," he spoke ; and they all cried back, " We take
it, and will wage it just as fiercely as we have received it."

24 HANNIBAL'S CROSSING OF THE ALPS

Livy, "History," book XXI, chaps. 32-38

Hannibal's famous crossing of the Alps was a sufficient prelude
to his momentous struggle in Italy. He was unable to take the
road along the coast lest he fall in with the Roman army under
Publius Scipio [father of the famous Scipio Africanus] when, in
case of a defeat, his whole campaign would have been blasted ere
it had fairly begun. It is usually considered that the pass by
which Hannibal reached Italy is that now known as the " Little
St. Bernard." The greatness of Hannibal's feat is enhanced by
the fact that his army was not made up of patriots, sacrific-
ing their all to avenge their country. His troops were mostly mer-
cenaries of every kind Numidians, Spaniards, Gauls held
together almost entirely by the spell of his genius.

From Druentia [in Gaul], by a road which ran mostly
across the plains, Hannibal reached the Alps without
molestation from the inhabitants of the region. Now at
length, despite the very highly colored reports which had
come to them, the height of the mountains from near view,
with the snow almost mingling with the sky, the shapeless
huts clinging to the cliffs ; the cattle and sumpter beasts
all withered by the cold, with everything, living or inani-
mate, stiffened with frost, and so many other like terrors ;
all these, in short, smote the soldiers with alarm.

As they marched up the first slopes, overhead on the
heights they beheld the mountaineers [ready for sudden
attack.] Hannibal ordered a halt and sent forward some
Gauls to view the ground. And when he found no passage

218 B.C.] THE CROSSING OF THE ALPS 63

in. the direction lie had been following, he pitched camp in
the wildest possible valley, in country infinitely rugged.
At length he learned from the Gauls, who had mingled with
the mountaineers, and from whom indeed they differed lit-
tle in language and habits, that the pass was only beset
during the day, for at nightfall the defenders withdrew,
each man to his own dwelling. He accordingly made a
feigned attempt during the daytime in another direction,
[but in the night] he put himself at the head of a body of
picked light troops, and rapidly cleared the pass ; taking his
post on the very heights once held by the enemy.

Fighting tJie Mountaineers

At dawn the troops broke camp, and the rest of the army
moved forward. On a signal, the mountaineers swarmed
from their forts to their wonted stations, but they suddenly
beheld a part of their enemies clear above them, holding
their old positions, while the rest of the army was passing
up the road. For a little while they stood bewildered at all
they saw; but when speedily they perceived how the troops
were confused while going up the pass, and that the march-
ing forces were disordered by the very tumult they were
making, for the horses were especially terrified, then the
mountaineers thought they could create enough additional
terror quite to annihilate the army. They therefore
scrambled along the dangerous rocks, accustomed as they
were to all this rough going ; and now were the Carthaginians
indeed beset, opposed at once by the foe, and by the sheer
difficulties of the ground. Each man of them strove to es-
cape the first, and there was actually more struggling among
themselves than against the enemy. Especially the horses
made danger in the lines, driven, frantic as they were by the
discordant clamors which were echoed back from the forests
and valleys. They fell into dire confusion ; and if any were

64 THE DEATH STRUGGLE WITH CARTHAGE

hit or wounded, they were so uncontrollable that they caused
great loss both to men and baggage of every kind. As the
pass was broken and steep on both sides, many were flung
down to an awful depth, including some even of the soldiery ;
while the sumpter beasts, with their loads, rolled down like
the fall of some vast fabric.

Distressing as was the sight of these losses, Hannibal for
a while kept his place, lest he increase the danger, but later
when he saw his line broken [he hastened down with his
detatchment] from the higher ground [which they held].
At the first onset he routed the enemy ; and after the paths
had been cleared of the mountaineers, the tumult [along
the lines] soon ceased. He then took a fortified village, the
chief town of the district, and fed his army for three days
with the captured corn and cattle.

Hannibal then came to another canton, very populous for
a mountainous country. Here he was almost overcome, not
in open war, but in his own game of treachery and ambush.
Some 'old men, commanders of the forts, came to the Cartha-
ginians as envoys, and offered provisions, guides, and hos-
tages. He answered them in a friendly manner, [fearing
alike to reject or wholly trust them, and continued his advance
most warily]. The elephants and cavalry formed the van
of the advancing host, and he in person, watching everything
that befell, followed with the picked infantry. When they
came to a narrow pass, the barbarians rose at once on all
sides from their ambush and assailed the Carthaginians,
front and rear both at close quarters and at long range, while
huge stones were rolled down upon the army. The greater
number of the foe attacked the rear [where they were beaten
off with great difficulty, and even as it was] one night was
spent by Hannibal while separated from his cavalry and his
baggage.

218 B.C.] THE CROSSING OF THE ALPS 65

At the Summit of the Alps

[The next day the advance continued amid great loss,
especially of the sumpter beasts.] Though the elephants
were driven only with many delays over the steep and nar-
row paths, yet wherever they went they protected the army,
because the enemy, to whom they were utterly strange,
feared approaching them too closely. On the ninth day
they came to the summit of the Alps over regions trackless.
For two days they remained encamped on the summit, and
rest was given the soldiers, spent as they were by toil and
battle. A fall of snow, however, put the men in great
panic, worn out as they were by so many hardships. 1

[When the troops resumed the advance they went forward
very wearily, until Hannibal ordered a halt] on a certain
eminence whence there was a view reaching far and wide.
Here he pointed out to them Italy, and the plains of the
Po, extending themselves beneath the Alpine mountains.
"Now," spoke lie, "you are not merely surmounting the
ramparts of Italy, but those of Borne. The rest of the
journey will be smooth and downward. After one, or at
most the second battle, you will have the citadel and capital
of Italy in your power and possession ! "

The army now began its advance, the enemy making no
attempts against them except petty thefts, as chance offered.
But the journey downward proved much more difficult than
the ascent, as the slope of the Alps is shorter on the Italian
side, and, as a consequence, steeper.

TJie Struggle throitgh the Snow

At length they came to a rock so narrow and perpendicular
that a light-armed soldier attempting it most carefully and
clinging to the bushes and roots around could barely lower

i Remember, a large part of Hannibal's army -was made up of Africans,
to whom snow was a fearful wonder.

66 THE DEATH STRUGGLE WITH CARTHAGE

himself down. The ground, naturally very steep, had been
broken by a recent avalanche into a precipice of nearly a
thousand feet. Here the cavalry halted as at the end of
their journey, and it was announced to Hannibal [in the
rear] that the rock was impassable. He surveyed it per-
sonally, and imagined he must lead the army around it no
matter how great the circuit, through regions pathless and
untrodden. But this route proved impracticable [for it was
entirely out of the question to force the army through the
soft and yielding snowdrifts.]

At length after men and beasts had been uselessly
fatigued, the cainp was pitched on the summit; the ground
being cleared for that purpose with great difficulty, so much
snow was there to dig and to carry away. The soldiers
were then set to work to make a way down the cliff, by
which alone a passage could be won. It was needful to
cut through the rocks themselves, and the men lopped down
many large trees which grew around, and made a huge pile
of timber. As soon as a strong wind came to stir the fire,
they kindled the mass, and pouring vinegar upon the heated
stones [beneath] rendered them soft and crumbling. They
then could use their iron instruments upon the rock thus
heated, and smoothed its slopes so that not merely the
sumpter beasts but even the elephants could be led across
and downward.

Pour days had the army spent on this rock, the animals
nearly perishing with hunger, for the mountain summits
were mostly bare, and any pasturage was under the snows ;
but the lower parts [which they now reached] contained
valleys and some sunny hills, with streams flowing through
woods scenes in short worthy for human abode. There
the sumpter beasts were set out at pasture, and the men, so
wearied with the passage, were given three days of rest;
then they descended to the plains, where the country and
the people were alike less rugged.

216 B.C.] HOW THE ROMANS GREETED VARRO 67

In this manner they came to Italy in the fifth month
after leaving New Carthage [in Spain], having crossed the
Alps in fifteen days.

25. How THE ROMANS GREETED VARRO ON HIS RETURN-
FRO M

Livy, " History," book XXII, chap. 61

In 216 B.C., largely owing to the blunders of the Consul Varro,
the Roman army was practically annihilated by Hannibal at
Cannae ; yet because after the defeat Varro had done everything
possible to check the spread of disaster, and had clearly striven ac-
cording to his best ability, the Roman government and people
refused to rebuke him. The treatment accorded him was a moral
victory that did far to offset many Cannses.

How much greater this disaster [at Cannae] was than any
before it, is proved by the fact that certain allies [of Rome]
that had hitherto stood firm now began to waver, and the
only cause of this was that they despaired of the [Romans']
empire. The peoples who went over to the Carthaginians
were these the Atellani, the Calatini, the Hirpini, some
of the Apulians, the Sarnnites (except the Penetnans), all
the Bruttians and the Lucanians* Besides these there were
included the Surrentinians and almost the whole coast pos-
sessed by the Greeks, the peoples of Tarentum, Metapon-
tum, Croton, the Locrians and all of Cisalpine Gaul.

Yet not even these losses and the falling away of their
allies so shook the Romans that any word touching te Peace "
was uttered amongst them; either before the arrival of
[Varro] the consul at Rome, or after he came and renewed
the memory of the great calamity. At this very juncture,
such was the height of public spirit, that when the consul
returned from such a fearful defeat, whereof he personally
was the main cause, he was met [before Rome]^ by multi-
tudes of all classes of citizens, and thanks were given him

68 THE DEATH STRUGGLE WITH CARTHAGE

" Because he had not despaired of the Republic" Although
had he been a Carthaginian general in like case, he would
have escaped no species of punishment. 1

26. "HANNIBAL AT THE GATES "
Livy, " History," book XXVI, chaps. 7, 9, 10, 11

Hannibal's attempt to save Capua [211 B.C.] by a sudden
march on Rome, was a stirring passage in the Second Punic War.
In reality the danger to Rome was not great : Hannibal had no
time or men to waste on storming the gallantly defended capital :
but the event gave an admirable opportunity for Senate, people,
and army to exhibit their self-possession, and dogged purpose.

Hannibal, at length, when he saw that the Romans could
not be induced to join battle again, and that he was unable
to force his way through their lines into Capua, resolved to
remove his own camp thence, and give up the attempt, lest
the new consuls be. able to cut off his provision supplies.
Whilst he deliberated anxiously what to do next, the im-
pulse came to him to attack Rome itself, the very heart of
the war. He believed there was some hope that he might
seize some part of the city, as result of the panic and con-
fusion attending his unexpected approach; also that if
Rome were imperiled either both, or at least one, of the
Roman generals, would retire from before Capua. [And
if they divided their forces, he would surely gain some
advantage.]

He feared, however, lest his departure cause the Cam-
panians [in Capua] to surrender immediately [in despair.]
He bribed, therefore, a Kumidian a most daring fellow
to convey a letter. The man entered the Roman camp as a
deserter 3 then slipped across and got into Capua. The letter
was full of encouragement. "Hannibal's departure," it
i An entirely just observation. A defeated Athenian general would
probably have been condemned to drink poisonous hemlock, a Cartha-
ginian to be trodden to death by an elephant.

211 B.C.] "HANNIBAL AT THE GATES*' 69

ran, " would be highly beneficial [to the besieged.] It
would result in drawing off the Eoman armies to the de-
fense of Rome itself. They must not let their spirits sink.
After a few days more of patience the siege would be quite
over." He then ordered the boats 011 the Yolturnus River
to be seized, and rowed up to the fort formerly erected
there for his protection. [Next laying in rations for ten
days he led his forces to the river by night, and crossed
before daylight.]

[When deserters brought news of this movement to the
Roman Senate, it was resolved most heroically not to with-
draw the whole blockading army from Capua, but only a
fraction of the army to cover Rome. The rest was to main-
tain the siege.]

[Hannibal marched northward, devastating the country,
along the Latin Way, as far as the Liris, where he found
the bridges broken to hinder his advance ; but at the same
time Fulvius, the proconsul, with a part of the army from
Capua was marching another road, parallel with Hannibal,
going at full speed to defend the city. As messengers came
in with tidings of Hannibal's advance] the whole city was
in a state of alarm. The confusion was increased by the
constant running to and fro of people bearing wild rumors.
Not merely in the houses were the lamentations of the
women to be heard, but matrons ran out upon the streets
from every direction and surged up and down around the
shrines of the gods, imploring them to " Save the city of
Rome from the clutches of the foe, and to keep the Roman
mothers and children from all harm ! " The Senate sat at
the Forum, near the magistrates in case the latter should
wish to consult with it. Some Senators [who held office]
were receiving orders and departing to their own spheres of
duty ; others were offering themselves in whatever capacity
they might be of aid, while troops were stationed [at various
points in and around the city.]

70 THE DEATH STRUGGLE WITH CARTHAGE

During this confusion the news came. Fulvius, tiie pro-
consul, and Ms army had. started from Capua, whereupon
the Senate ordered that his power should be the same as
that of the Consuls, lest when he entered the city his author-
ity should cease. 1 Hannibal [ravaging direfully, pressed
on towards Rome until, marching his] troops into the confines
of the Pupinian tribe, he pitched his camp eight miles from
the city. The nearer the enemy came, the greater was the
number of the fugitives slain by the Nnmidians of his van,
and the greater the number of prisoners they made, of
every sort and condition.

Amid the confusion, Fulvius entered the city with his
troops [by another way] and camped between the Esquiline
and Colline gates. The Plebeian aediles brought hither a
supply of provisions. The consuls and Senate came to the
camp and a council of war was held on the general state of
the Commonwealth. It was resolved the consuls should
camp near these gates, that Calpurnius, the city praetor,
should command at the Capitol, and that a full Senate should
be in continuous session at the Forum, in case of any sud-
den need for consulting it. Meantime Hannibal advanced
his camp to the Anio, three miles from the city, and when he
had established himself, he rode with two thousand horse
along from the Colline Gate as far as the temple of Her-
cules ; and, galloping up, took as near a view as he could of
the walls and the site of the city. Fulvius, however, was
furious that he should do this so much at his ease, and sent
out a cavalry force with orders [to chase his escort back.
Meantime in Rome there was grievous panic, while the
rumor spread that the Aventine Hill had been taken.]

The cavalry battle, however, was in favor of the Romans,
and the enemy was driven [away to their camp.] Tumults,
however, were breaking out in different parts of the city,

1 A proconsul's power ordinarily ceased when he entered the city of
Rome ; but the regular consuls retained their power inside the city limits.

211 B.C.] " HANNIBAL AT THE GATES " 71

and it was resolved that all ex-dictators, ex-consuls, and ex-
censors should exercise magisterial authority until the foe
were driven from before the walls. For the rest of the day
and the night following tumults kept arising, unfounded
though they were, and had to be repressed.

The next day Hannibal crossed the Anio and drew up,
offering battle. Flaccus and the consuls did not decline the
issue, but when the troops on both sides were arrayed to
join in a battle with Borne for the prize of the victors, a
violent rainstorm, with hail to boot, threw the lines in dis-
order, so that the [demoralized] troops must needs retire to
their camp. 1 [A second tempest prevented battle the next
day.] The Carthaginians considered this occurrence as " an
act of the gods," and it is reported Hannibal remarked " At
one time he wanted the resolution to take Borne, but at
another time the opportunity." 2

Two other things also brought down his hopes. The more
important one was that even while he lay with his forces
near the city wall, he was informed that troops had marched
from Borne with colors flying, as a reenf orcement to go to
Spain. 8 The lesser matter was that a prisoner told him that
the actual ground whereon his camp stood was sold [in
Borne] at that very time, and at no lessened price. [Stirred
by this contempt and insult] Hannibal immediately called
a crier, and ordered that the silversmiths' [and bankers']
shops which then stood around the Boman Forum should be
put up for auction.

Thus baffled, he retired six miles from the city to the
grove of Feronia, where was a temple famed for its riches.

1 A lost battle then and there would not necessarily have ruined Rome.
Hannibal would still have been forced to storm the city, desperately
defended as it would surely have been.

2 Referring to his failure to make the most of his alleged opportunity
to seize Rome after the battle of Cannae.

8 A marvelous testimony to the confidence of the Romans in their ulti-
mate victory.

72 THE DEATH STRUGGLE WITH CARTHAGE

[Having plundered this temple, Hannibal retreated sullenlj
into Campania. His effort to save Capua had failed, and
that great city was presently starved out and forced to sur-
render on very severe terms.]

27. MARCELLUS AND ARCHIMEDES AT SYRACUSE
Plutarch, " Life of Marcelhis," chaps. XIV-XIX

Marcellus was, on the whole, the most successful opponent of Han-
nibal, until the rise of Scipio Africanus ; but his chief public serv-
ice was the reduction of Syracuse [212 B.C.], which upon the
death of King Hiero II had forsaken the Roman alliance for
Carthage. What Nicias and Demosthenes had failed to do the
grim and unrelenting Roman accomplished, and Syracuse sank to
the level of a meie provincial subject town. How Archimedes, the
famous mathematician-physicist, enabled the Syracusans to prolong
the siege by his inventions, and the manner of his death during
the capture, form together a time-honored story.

Marcellus proceeded to attack the city both by land and
by sea. The land forces were conducted by Appius : Mar-
cellus, with sixty galleys, each with five rows of oars,
furnished with all sorts of arms and missiles, and a huge
bridge of planks laid upon eight ships chained together,
upon which was carried the engine to cast stones and darts,
assaulted the walls, relying upon the abundance and magnifi-
cence of his preparations, and on his own previous glory ;
all which, however, were, it would seem, but trifles for
Archimedes and his machines.

These machines he had designed and contrived, not as
matters of any importance, but as mere amusements in
geometry ; in compliance with King Hiero's desire and re-
quest, some little time before, that he should reduce to
practice some part of his admirable speculations in science
#nd, by accommodating the theoretic truth to sensation and
ordinary use, bring it more within the appreciation of people
in general.

214 B.C.] MARCELLUS AND ARCHIMEDES 73

Archimedes, in writing to King Hiero, whose friend and
near relation he was, had stated, that, given the force, any
given weight might be moved, and even boasted, we are
told, relying on the strength of demonstration, that if there
were another earth, by going into it he could remove this,
Hiero being struck with amazement at this, and entreating
him to make good this problem by actual experiment, and
show some great weight moved by a small engine, he
fixed accordingly upon a ship of burden out of the king's
arsenal, which could not be drawn out of the dock without
great labor and many men; and, loading her with many
passengers and a full freight, sitting himself the while far
off, with no great endeavor, but only holding the head of
the pulley in his hand and drawing the cord by degrees, he
drew the ship in a straight line, as smoothly and evenly as
if she had been in the sea. The king, astonished at this,
and convinced of the power of the art, prevailed upon
Archimedes to make him engines accommodated to all the
purposes, offensive and defensive, of a siege. These the
king himself never made use of, because he spent almost all
his life in a profound quiet, and the highest affluence. But
the apparatus was, in a most opportune time, ready at hand
for the Syracusans, and with it also the engineer himself.

How Archimedes made Engines to resist Marcellus

When, therefore, the Romans assaulted the walls in two
places at once, fear and consternation stupefied the Syra-
cusans, believing that nothing was able to resist that
violence and those forces. But when Archimedes began to
ply his engines, he at once shot against the land forces all
sorts of missile weapons, and immense masses of stone that
came down with incredible noise and violence, against which
no man could stand ; for they knocked down those upon
whom they fell, in heaps, breaking all their ranks and files,

74 THE DEATH STRUGGLE WITH CARTHAGE

In. the meantime huge poles thrust out from the walls over
the ships sunk some by the great weights which they let
down from on high upon them ; others they lifted up into
the air by an iron hand or beak like a crane's beak, and,
when they had drawn them up by the prow, and set them
on end upon the poop, they plunged them to the bottom of
the sea; or else the ships, drawn by engines within, and
whirled about, were dashed against steep rocks that stood
jutting out under the walls, with great destruction of
the soldiers that were aboard them.

A ship was frequently lifted up to a great height in the
air (a dreadful thing to behold), and was rolled to and fro,
and kept swinging until the mariners were all thrown out,
when at length it was dashed against the rocks or let fall.
At the engine that Marcellus brought upon the bridge of
ships, which was called Sambuca from some resemblance it
had to an instrument of music, while it was as yet approach-
ing the wall, there was discharged a piece of rock of ten
talents' weight, then a second and a third, which, striking
upon it with immense force and with a noise like thunder,
broke all its foundation pieces, shook out all its fastenings,
and completely dislodged it from the bridge. So Marcellus,
doubtful what counsel to pursue, drew off his ships to a
safer distance, and sounded a retreat to his forces on land.

The Scientific Spirit of Archimedes

[By these means Marcellus was compelled to reduce his
attack to a mere blockade.] Yet Archimedes possessed so
high a spirit, so profound a soul, and such treasures of
scientific knowledge, that though these inventions had no\v
obtained him the renown of more than human sagacity, he
yet would not deign to leave behind him any commentary
or writing on such subjects ; but, repudiating as sordid and
ignoble the whole trade of engineering, and every sort of

212 B.C.] MARCELLTJS AND ARCHIMEDES 75

art that lends itself to mere use and profit, lie placed Ms
whole affection and ambition in those purer speculations
where there can be no reference to the vulgar needs of
life.

The charm of his familiar and domestic Siren made him
forget his food and neglect his person, to that degree that
when he was occasionally carried by absolute violence to
bathe, or have his body anointed, he used to trace geomet-
rical figures in the ashes of the fire, and diagrams in the oil
on his body, being in a state of entire preocciipation, and,
in the truest sense, divine possession with his love and
delight in science.

Taking of Syracuse and Fate of Archimedes

[At length after a tedious siege Marcellus was able to gain
possession of Syracuse, while the inhabitants were celebrat-
ing a feast of Artemis and were off their guard.]

When looking down from the higher places upon the
beautiful and spacious city below, he is said to have wept
much, commiserating the calamity that hung over it, when
his thoughts represented to him, how dismal and foul the
face of the city would in a few hours be, when plundered
and sacked by the soldiers. For among the officers of the
army there was not one man that durst deny the plunder of
the city to the soldiers' demands ; nay, many were insistent
that it should be set on fire and laid level to the ground :
but this Marcellus would not listen to. Yet he granted,
but with great unwillingness and reluctance, that the money
and slaves should be made spoil ; giving orders, at the same
time, that none should violate any free person, nor kill,
misuse, or make a slave of any of the Syracusans.

Though he had used this moderation, he still esteemed
the condition of that city to be pitiable, and, even amidst
the congratulations and joy, showed his strong feelings of

76 THE DEATH STRUGGLE WITH CARTHAGE

sympathy and commiseration at seeing all the riches ac-
cumulated during a long felicity, now dissipated in an hour.
For it is related, that no less spoil and plunder was taken
here, than afterward in Carthage. For not long after, they
obtained also the plunder of the other parts of the city,
which were taken by treachery ; leaving nothing untouched
but the king's money, which was brought into the public
treasury,

Nothing, however, afflicted Marcellus so much as the death
of Archimedes ; who was then, as fate would have it, intent
upon working out some problem by a diagram, and having
fixed his mind alike and his eyes upon the subject of his
speculation, he never noticed the incursion of the Romans,
nor that the city was taken. In this transport of study and
contemplation, a soldier, unexpectedly coining up to him,
commanded him to follow to Marcellus ; which he declining
to do before he had worked out his problem to a demonstra-
tion, the soldier, enraged, drew his sword and ran him
through. Others write, that a Roman soldier, running upon
him with a drawn sword, offered to kill him ; and that
Archimedes, looking back, earnestly besought him to hold
his hand a little while, that he might not leave what he
was then at work upon inconclusive and imperfect ; but the
soldier, nothing moved by his entreaty, instantly killed him.
Others again relate, that as Archimedes was carrying to
Marcellus mathematical instruments, dials, spheres, and
angles, by which the magnitude of the sun might be
measured to the sight, some soldiers seeing him, and
thinking that he carried gold in a vessel, slew him. Cer-
tain it is that his death was very afflicting to Marcellus ;
and that Marcellus ever after regarded the man that
killed him as a murderer ; and that he sought Archimedes's
kindred and honored them with signal favors.

202 B.C.] THE BATTLE OF ZAMA 77

28. THE BATTLE OF ZAMA
Livy, "History," book XXX, chaps. 32-35

The battle of Zama (202 E.G.) ended the Second Punic War.
It was fought after a vain attempt of the respective generals
Scipio and Hannibal to arrange terms of peace at a personal
interview. In the contest the Romans showed how much they
had profited in the hard school of experience, by their former
battles with Hannibal. The great Carthaginian did his best, but
he had a very heterogeneous army. Scipio, on the other hand,
had a homogeneous, patriotic, well-disciplined force, and he handled
it without a blunder.

When the two generals arrived back at their respective
camps they both issued orders to their men to " make ready
their arms, and prepare for the final battle; which, if they
should win, would give them victory not for a day, but
through all time." For the Eomans on their part had no
place of refuge in the strange and foreign land [of Africa] :
and sheer destruction confronted Carthage if the troops who
were her last hope were overcome.

[The generals on either side harangued their men, and
urged them to strive to the uttermost : and then Scipio
arrayed his lines, posting his " hastati" a in front, his "prin-
cipes " behind them, and closing his rear line with the
" triarii." He did not draw up his divisions in close order,
instead he set each before its separate standard, and placed
the companies at some little distance .apart to leave a space
through which the enemy's elephants might rush without
breaking the Roman ranks. Lselius [his favorite lieutenant]
he put with the Italian cavalry on the left wing, Masinissa 3
and the Numidians were on the right. The open spaces
between the [regular] companies of the van, he filled with

i These were the least seasoned troops in the legion; the " principes"
were of better quality; the " triarii" were tested veterans.

2 A claimant for the throne of Numidia, who had joined the Romans,
He was a dashing and effective. cavalry leader.

78 THE DEATH STRUGGLE WITH CARTHAGE

* { velites" [Roman light-armed troops] with, orders that
when the elephants charged they were to retire behind the
files, and leave a passage.

As for Hannibal, in order to terrify his foes, he set his
elephants in front, for he had eighty of the beasts, more
than in any of his former battles. Behind these lay his
Ligurian and Gallic auxiliaries, and some Balearians and
Moors, all intermixed. In the second line he set the Car-
thaginians, Africans, and a brigade of Macedonians ; finally
at a moderate interval he stationed a reserve of Italians,
mainly from Bruttium. 1 As for his cavalry, he posted that
upon the wings, the Carthaginians upon the right, the
Numidians upon the left.

[Hannibal at the same time used every kind of argument to
arouse enthusiasm and some kind of patriotism in this very diversely
recruited army, especially appealing to the Carthaginians as having
the most at stake.]

How the Battle Began

While Hannibal was thus employed, and his captains like-
wise most of them having to use interpreters among troops
intermixed from such different nations the trumpets and
horns of the Romans sounded. Such a din did they make
that the elephants, especially those by the left wing, turned
around on their own party : [and practically drove Hannibal's
cavalry on that side from the field.] A few of the elephants
indeed were launched' against the Romans, and made sore
havoc among the " velites," though not without many wounds
themselves. For the velites, giving ground [as ordered],
pelted them with darts, until at last they were driven from
the Roman lines by the showers of missiles from every side ;
and these elephants even put to flight the Carthaginian cav-

i This reserve comprised the remnant of his old army of veterans who
had mostly left their bones in Italy fighting his battles, and now the sur-
vivors had followed him to Africa to die in the last struggle.

202 B.C.] THE BATTLE OF ZAMA 79

airy on the right wing also, whereupon Laelius, seeing the
disorder of the foe, dashed new terror into them whilst in
their confusion.

Stripped thus of their cavalry on either side, the Cartha-
ginian foot now locked with the Romans, but they were no
match either in confidence or prowess. Again, one circum-
stance, in itself a trifle, had no scant results. With the
Romans the war cry was uniform, and therefore louder and
more terrific ; but with the enemy, composed as they were
of so many peoples of varying tongues, the cry was disso-
nant, 1 The Romans used the stationary kind of fighting,
pressing upon the enemy with their own weight and that
of their arms; but on the other side there was more of
skirmishing and rapid movement than real force. There-
fore the Romans, at the first charge, drove back the hostile
line ; then pushing with their elbows and the bosses of their
shields, and thrusting forward into the spaces whence they
had pushed the foe, they advanced quite a space, as though
no one were resisting them; while the men in the rear
urged on their comrades in front as they felt the hostile
line yielding.

TJie Final Defeat of the Carthaginians

[The front ranks of the Carthaginians were thus forced
back upon Hannibal's veteran Italians, who angrily drove
them from the field as useless, and who themselves prepared
to face the Romans ; while, however, they were reforming
for the final shock] Scipio promptly signaled to his spear-
men to retreat, and had the wounded taken to the rear.
Then he brought up his " principes " and " triarii " from the
wings in order to strengthen the spearmen of the center.

1 It is certain that mere noise had a great part in ancient "battles, espe-
cially with its moral effects upon untried soldiers. The Greeks and Eomans
lacked modern cannon, but the din of one of their battles was doubtless
hideous.

80 THE DEATH STRUGGLE WITH CARTHAGE

Thus a fresh battle commenced, inasmuch as now the
Romans had reached their genuine antagonists, men a match
for them in their weapons, in their experience in war, and
in their overwhelming hopes and fears. But both in num-
bers and in courage the Romans had advantage. 1 They had
routed cavalry, elephants, and front line, and were now clos-
ing with the second line [and the last.]

Laelius and Masinissa, who had pursued the routed cavalry,
now most opportunely returned, and charged the enemy's
rear. Before this cavalry attack the Carthaginians at last
succumbed. Many were surrounded and perished on the
field ; many, fleeing over the open plain, were slain by the
[pursuing] cavalry. Of the Carthaginians and their allies
about 20,000 that day perished, and about as many more
were captured, as well as one hundred and thirty-three
standards and eleven elephants.

Hannibal escaped with a few horsemen, not fleeing the
field until he had tried every expedient both in the battle
and before it began. [After having done everything pos-
sible for his country] he returned to Carthage in the six-
and-thirtieth year after he had quitfcetj it when a boy.
There, in the Council House, he confessed he had lost not
only the battle, but the war, and that the only hope of salva-
tion was to make peace.

29. WHY ROME WAS SUPERIOR TO CARTHAGE
PolyMus, " History," book VI, chap. 51. Shuckburgh's Translation

The reasons why Eome was able in the end to master Carthage
despite the apparent great strength of the latter are clearly
stated by a Greek historian who had ample opportunity for col*
lecting and judging all the facts.

1 Probably a good many in this veteran reserve, the " Old Guard " of
Hannibal, had joined in the slaughter of the Romans at Trasemene and
Cannae. Now finally their fates were reversed, but their last stand, when
they were hopelessly outnumbered, did not belie their old glory.

219 B.C.] ROME SUPERIOR TO CARTHAGE 81

As there is in every body politic a natural growth, then
a zenith, then decay, and whereas everything in them is
at its best when at the zenith, we may then judge of the
difference between these two constitutions [Roman and
Carthaginian] as they existed then [on the eve of the
Second Punic War.] For exactly so far as the strength
and prosperity of Carthage began earlier than that of Rome,
by exactly so much was Carthage past its prime, while
Rome was just at its zenith, so far as its political constitu-
tion was concerned. In Carthage, therefore, the influence
of the Popular Assembly had risen already to be supreme,
while at Rome the Senate was at the height of its power ;
and so, as in the one measures were deliberated upon by
the multitude, and in the other by the best men, conse-
quently the Romans in all public undertakings proved
the stronger; on which account, though they met with
capital disasters, by force of prudent councils they pres-
ently conquered the Carthaginians.

If we look, however, at separate details, e.g. at the pro-
visions for carrying on a war, we shall find that whereas
for a naval expedition the Carthaginians are the better
trained and prepared' as is only natural with a people
with whom it has been hereditary for many generations
to practice this craft, and follow the seamen's trade above
all nations in the world yet, touching military service
on land, the Romans train themselves to a much, higher
pitch than the Carthaginians. The former bestow their
whole attention upon this department ; whereas the Cartha-
ginians, although they do take some slight interest in their
cavalry, wholly neglect their infantry, the reason for this
being that they employ foreign mercenaries, the Romans
native and citizen levies.

It is in this point that the Roman polity is preferable to the
Carthaginian. They have their hopes of freedom ever resting
on the courage of mere mercenaries j the Romans on the valor

82 THE DEATH STRUGGLE WITH CARTHAGE

of their own citizens and the aid of their allies. The result
is that even if the Romans are heaten at first, they renew the
war with undiminished forces, which the Carthaginians can-
not do. For as the Romans are fighting for native land and
children, it is impossible for them to relax the fury of their
struggle; but they persist with obstinate resolution until
they have triumphed over their enemies. What happened
in regard to their navy is an instance in point. In [nautical]
skill the Romans are much behind the Carthaginians, as I have
said, yet the upshot of the whole naval war was a decided
triumph for Rome, through the [personal] valor of her
men. Tor although nautical science contributes largely to
success in sea fights, still it is the courage of the marines
that turns the scale most decisively in favor of victory. The
fact is that Italians, as a nation, are by nature superior to
Phoenicians and Libyans both in physical strength and
courage. Likewise their habits also do much to inspire
their youth with enthusiasm for such exploits.

30. How CATO THE ELDEB INVEIGHED AGAINST CARTHAGE

Plutarch, " Life of Marcus Cato the Elder," chaps. XXVI-XXVII

Marcus Cato the Elder was the very incarnation of the old
"Bepublican traditions" of Koine. He was born in 234 B.C.,
shortly after the end of the First Punic War, and he distinguished
himself in the Second Punic "War. Considering the havoc Hannibal
had wrought in Italy, and the fierce hatreds and passions he had
engendered, it is an no wise surprising that to Cato any peace with
Carthage seemed only a truce ; at any moment a new Hannibal
might arise and all the bloody drama be played over again. Be-
sides this factor, also, Cato as a shrewd man of business shared,
no doubt, the jealousy with which the merchants and bankers of
Borne watched the commercial prosperity of their rival.

Some will have the overthrow of Carthage to have been
one of Cato's last acts of state ; when, indeed, Scipio the

150 B.C.] CATO DENOUNCES CARTHAGE 83

younger, did by his valor give it the last blow, but the war,
chiefly by the council and advice of Cato, was undertaken
on the following occasion. Cato was sent to the Cartha-
ginians and Masinissa, king of Nuiaidia, who were at war
with one another, to know the cause of their difference. He,
it seems, had been a friend of the Romans from the begin-
ning ; and they, too, since they were conquered by Scipio,
were of the Roman confederacy, having been shorn of their
power by loss of territory, and a heavy tax. Finding Car-
thage, not (as the Romans thought) low and in an ill condition,
but well manned, full of riches and all sorts of arms and
ammunition, and perceiving the Carthaginians carry it high,
he conceived that it was not a time for the Romans to adjust
affairs between them and Masinissa ; but rather that they
themselves would fall into danger, unless they should find
means to check this rapid new growth of Rome's ancient
irreconcilable enemy.

Therefore, returning quickly to Rome, he acquainted the
Senate, that the former defeats and blows given to the Cartha-
ginians, had not so much diminished their strength, as it had
abated their imprudence and folly ; that they were not be-
come weaker, but more experienced in war, and did only
skirmish with the Numidians, to exercise themselves the
better to cope with the Romans : that the peace and league
they had made was but a kind of suspension of war which
awaited a fairer opportunity to break out again.

Moreover, they say that, shaking his gown, he took occa-
sion to let drop some African figs before the Senate. And
on their admiring the size and beauty of them, he presently
added, that the place that bore them was but three days'
sail from Rome. Nay, he never after this gave his opinion,
but at the end he would be sure to come out with this sen-
tence, " ALSO, CARTHAGE, METHINKS, OUGHT UTTERLY TO BE
DESTROYED." But Publius Scipio Nasica would always
declare his opinion to the contrary, in these words, "It

84 THE DEATH STRUGGLE WITH CARTHAGE

seems requisite to me that Carthage should still stand/'
Por seeing his countrymen to be grown wanton and insolent,
and the people made, by their prosperity, obstinate and diso-
bedient to the Senate, and drawing the whole city, whither
they would, after them, he would have had the fear of
Carthage to serve as a bit to hold in the contumacy of the
multitude ; and he looked upon the Carthaginians as too
weak to overcome the Romans, and too great to be despised
by them.

On the other side, it seemed a perilous thing to Cato, that
a city which had been always great, and was now grown
sober and wise, by reason of its former calamities, should
still lie, as it were, in wait for the follies and dangerous
excesses of the overpowerful Roman people ; so that he
thought it the wisest course to have all outward dangers re-
moved, when they had so many inward ones among them-
selves.

Thus Cato, they say, stirred up the third and last war
against the Carthaginians : but no sooner was the said war
begun, than he died [in 149 B.O., three years before Carthage
was taken].

CHAPTER IV
THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

In the very victory over Carthage was the germ of the down-
fall of the magnificent Republic that had destroyed Hannibal, and
then, a half century later, his city. Few periods of ancient
history are more interesting than the story of Rome from the rise
of the Gracchi to the advent of Julius Csesar, and no other period
of ancient history is so charged with serious examples and warn-
ings for thoughtful Americans. How Rome was undone by her
very successes ; how her upper classes grew ever richer, while her
lower classes were ground down by plutocratic oppression and slave
competition how one after another reform and counter-reform
were tried until the weary and war-racked commonwealth was
glad to merge its public life in a monarchy, these facts form some
of the most instructive precedents in human annals.

In this culminating age of the Republic there is no lack of
interesting personalities. Our literary evidence is abundant. The
Gracchi, Marius, Sulla, Lucullus, Crassus, and their associates
we can study almost intimately. Little as we may find that is
admirable in the characters of many of these men, almost all
we discover to be individuals of marvelous energy, usually of
corresponding ability, and gifbed in many cases with an aggressive
egoism which was perhaps more developed in the Romans of this
period than in any other race or century. From the ample
material at our disposal no attempt is made to illustrate all the
noteworthy events which follow one another iu stirring succession
from the tribunate of Tiberius Gracchus to the rise to prominence
of Julius Caesar. It has been possible to single out only certain
typical incidents, also to add a few glimpses into the economic and
social life of the upper and lower classes during this most interest-
ing era.

The student should notice again that although this period is

85

86 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

marked by grave domestic turmoils, the Roman armies did not
cease to go forth conquering and to conquer. This is the age
when Mithridates was overthrown, and the Eastern end of the
Mediterranean brought fairly under the Roman yoke. As a result,
the Italian conquerors were led into vital relations with Oriental
luxury, morality, and religion influences which were to affect
the Western world mightily during the next three centuries.

31. HOW POLYBIUS AND SciPIO THE YOUNGEB BECAME

FRIENDS

Polybius, " History," book XXXH, chaps. 9-15. Shuckburgh's Translation

About 163 B.O. the incident here narrated occurred. A large
number of prominent Greeks from Achsea had been transported
as prisoners to Italy, whereof one was Polybius, the future his-
torian. How he became friends with Scipio JEmilianus, the
future destroyer of Carthage, and what a high-minded, generous-
hearted personage that great nobleman was in his youth, is admir-
ably told. Incidentally many glimpses are given into society and
manners at Rome in the second century B.C.

[When the Achaean exiles, of whom Polybius was one, were dis-
tributed among the various cities of Italy, Polybius, being already
on terms of friendship with Fabius and Scipio, the sons of Lucius
JEmilius Paulus, was assigned for residence at their house, and
they became still more intimate.]

One day when all three were coming out of the house of
Fabius, the latter left them to go to the Forum, and Polyb-
ius went in another direction with Scipio. As they were
walking along, in a quiet, subdued voice and with the blood
mounting to his cheeks, Scipio said, " Why is it, Polybius,
that though my brother and I eat at the same table, you
address all your conversation and all your questions to him
and pass me over altogether? Of course you have the
same opinion of me as I hear the rest of the city has. For
I am considered by everybody, I hear, to be a mild, effete
person, and far removed from the true Roman character

163 B.C.] POLYBIUS AND SCIPIO BECOME FRIENDS 87

and ways, because I don't care for pleading in the law
courts, And they say the family I come of requires a dif-
ferent kind of a representative, and not the sort that I am.
It is that which annoys me the most."

Polybius was taken aback by the opening words of the
young man, for he was only just eighteen, and replied
that [he spoke mainly to Fabius because he was the elder ;
but that he would be delighted to help Scipio in any way
possible to learn to come up to the family reputation].

While Polybius was still speaking the young man seized
his right hand with both of his, and pressing it warmly
said, " Oh, that I might see the day on which you would
devote your first attention to me, and join your life with
mine. From that moment I shall think myself worthy
both of my family and my ancestors." Polybius was
partly delighted at the sight of the young man's enthusiasm
and affection, and partly embarrassed at the thought of the
high position of his family and the wealth of its members.
However, from the hour of this mutual confidence the
young man never left the side of Polybius, but regarded
his society as his first and dearest object.

From this time onward they continually gave each other
practical proof of an affection which recalled the relation-
ship of father and son, or of kinsmen of the same blood.
The first impulse and ambition of a noble kind with which
he was inspired was a desire to maintain a reputation for
chastity, and to be superior to the standard observed in
that respect among his contemporaries. [It was a time of
great dissoluteness in Eome: young men wasted money and
energies on mistresses, wine, and coarse banquets, for it was
believed by the Romans that] owing to the destruction of
the Macedonian monarchy, universal dominion was secured
to them beyond dispute. Also a vast difference had been
made both in public and private wealth and splendor, by
the importation of the riches of Macedonia into Eome

88 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

Scipio, however, set his heart on a different path of life j
and by a steady resistance to his appetites, and by con
forming his whole conduct to a consistent and undeviating
standard, in about five years after this secured a general
recognition of his character for goodness and purity.

His next object was to cultivate lofty sentiments in re-
gard to money, and to maintain a higher standard of disin-
terestedness than other people. In this respect he had an
excellent start in his association with his natural father
[^Emilius] ; but he also had good natural impulses to do
right, and circumstances helped his success.

When the mother of his adoptive father, ^Emilia, wife
of Scipio the Great, died, she left him a great property.
She had been accustomed to attend the women's religious
processions in great state as sharing the life and high for-
tune of Scipio. For besides the magnificence of her dress
and carriage, the basket, cups, and other sacrificial imple-
ments which were carried in her train were all of silver or
gold on grand occasions ; and the number of her maidserv-
ants and other slaves that made up her train had been,
proportioned to this splendor. All this establishment, im-
mediately after ^Emilia's funeral, Scipio presented to his
own mother, who had long before been divorced by his
father, Lucius, and who was badly off, considering her il-
lustrious birth. She had previously refrained from taking
part in grand public processions ; but now, as there chanced
to be a notable state sacrifice, she appeared surrounded with
all the splendor and wealth which had once been Emilia's,
using among other things the same muleteers, pair of mules,
and carriage. The ladies, therefore, who saw it were much
impressed by the kindness and liberality of Scipio, and all
raised their hands to heaven and prayed for blessings upon
him.

[Scipio was remarkably liberal in the matter of the mar-
riage portions of his adoptive aunts, the daughters of Scipio

163 B.C.] POLYBIUS AND SCIPIO BECOME FRIENDS 89

the Great, paying the fifty talents due three years in ad-
vance. When the husbands of these ladies applied for part
of the money at Scipio's bankers, and were told they could
have the whole on the spot, they at first thought there was
some mistake] for at Eome so far from paying fifty talents
[$50,000] three years in advance, no one will pay a talent
before the appointed day ; * so excessively particular are they
about money, and so profitable do they consider time. . . .

Also Scipio by his strict chastity not merely saved his
purse, but by refraining from many irregular pleasures he
gained sound bodily health and a vigorous constitution for
the whole of his life.

Courage, however, is an important element for public life
in every country, but particularly in Eome ; and he therefore
was bound to give all his most serious attention to it. In
this he was well seconded by Fortune, also. For as the
Macedonian kings were especially keen after hunting, and
[had great game preserves,] which were untouched during
four years, owing to the public disturbances, the conse-
quence was that they were full of every kind of animal.
But when the [Macedonian] war was decided, Lucius Mmil-
ius, thinking that hunting was the best training for body
and courage his young soldiers could have, put the royal
huntsmen under the charge of Scipio.

[As a result he became a highly proficient sportsman],
and when he returned to Eome, instead, like the other
young men, of hanging around the law courts, and paying
calls, or haunting the Forum and trying to win popular
favor, Scipio devoted his time to hunting, and by con-
tinually displaying brilliant and memorable acts of prowess
won a greater reputation than others, whose only chance of
gaining credit was by inflicting some damage on one of their
fellow citizens, for that was the usual result of their law
proceedings. Scipio, on the other hand, without inflicting
A A comment on the eminently " practical " spirit of the Romans.

90 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

annoyance on any one gained a popular reputation for manly
courage, rivaling eloquence by action. The result was that
in a short time he obtained a more decided superiority of
position over contemporaries, than any Roman is remem-
bered to have done ; although he struck out a path for his
ambition which, with a view to Roman customs and ideas,
was quite different from that of others.

32. THE CONDUCT AND TREATMENT OF SLAVES
Plautus, (Comedy) " Pseudolus," Act I, Sc. 2. Bohn Translation

A Roman comedian, writing about the time of the end of the
Second Punic War (201 B.C.), gives this picture of an inconsiderate
master, and the kind of treatment his slaves were likely to get.
Very probably conditions grew worse rather than better for the
average slave household, for at least two centuries. As the
Eomans grew in wealth and the show of culture they did not
grow in humanity.

[Ballio, a captious slave owner, is giving orders to his servants.]

Ballio. Get out, come, out with you, you rascals ; kept at
a loss, and bought at a loss. Not one of you dreams minding
your business, or being a bit of use to me, unless I carry on
thus! [He strikes his whip around on all ofthem.~\ Never
did I see men more like asses [than you !] Why, your ribs
are hardened with the stripes. If one flogs you, he hurts
himself the most. [Aside.'] Eegular whipping posts are
they all, and all they do is to pilfer, purloin, prig, plunder,
drink, eat, and abscond ! Oh ! they look decent enough ; but
they're cheats in their conduct.

[Addresses the slaves again."] Now unless you're all at-
tention, unless you get that sloth and drowsiness out of your
breasts and eyes, HI have your sides so thoroughly marked
with thongs, that you'll outvie those Campanian coverlets
in color, or a regular Alexandrian tapestry, purple-broidered
all over with beasts. Yesterday I gave each of you his
special job, but you're so worthless, neglectful, stubborn,

200 B.C.] HOW TO MANAGE FARM SLAVES 91

that I must remind you -with a good basting. So you
think, I guess, you'll get the better of this whip and of me
by your stout hides ! Zounds ! But your hides won't prove
harder than my good cowhide. [He flourishes it.'] Look
at this, please ! Give heed to this ! [He flogs one slave J]
Well ? Does it hurt ? . . . Now stand all of you here, you
race born to be thrashed ! Turn your ears this way ! Give
heed to what I say. You fellow that's got the pitcher,
fetch the water. Take* care the kettle's full instanter.
You who's got the ax, look after chopping the wood.

Slave. But this ax's edge is blunted.

Ballio. Well; be it so! And so are you blunted with
stripes, but is that any reason why you shouldn't work for
me ? I order that you clean up the house. You know
your business; hurry indoors. [Exit first slave."]

Now you [to another slave"] smooth the couches, [for the
dinner party]. Clean the plate and put in proper order.
Take care that when I'm back from the Forum I find things
done, all swept, sprinkled, scoured, smoothed, cleaned,
and set in order. To-day's my birthday. You should all
set to and celebrate it. Take care do you hear to lay
the salted bacon, the brawn, the collared neck, and the
udder in water. I want to entertain some fine gentlemen
in real style, to give the idea that I'm rich. Get in doors,
and get these things ready, so there's no delay when the
cook x conies. Fm going to market to buy what fish is to
be had. Boy, you go ahead [to a special valet], I've got to
take care that no one cuts off my purse.

33. CATO THE ELDER oar HOW TO MAN-AGE FARM SLAVES
Cato, Treatise on "Agriculture," chaps. 56-59

Oato the Elder passed as the incarnation of all worldly wisdom
among Romans of the second century B.C. The precepts here

i Hired in from outside to help with the special banquet.

92 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

given were undoubtedly put in effect on his own farms. During
the early Republic, when the estates were small, there seems to
have been a fair amount of kindly treatment awarded the slaves ;
as the farms grew larger the whole policy of the masters, by
becoming more impersonal, became more brutal. Cato does not
advocate deliberate cruelty he would simply treat the slaves
according to cold regulations, like so many expensive cattle.

Country slaves ought to receive in the winter, when they
are at work, four modii 1 of grain; and four modii and a half
during the summer. The superintendent, the housekeeper,
the watchman, and the shepherd get three modii ; slaves in
chains four pounds of bread in winter and five pounds from
the time when the work of training the vines ought to begin
until the figs have ripened.

Wine for the slaves. After the vintage let them drink
from the sour wine for three months. The fourth month
let them have a Jiemina (about half a pint) per day or two
congii and a half (over seven quarts) per month. During the
fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth months let them have a
sextarius (about a pint) per day or five congii per month.
Finally, in the ninth, tenth, and the eleventh, let them have
three hemince (three fourths of a quart) per day, or an
amphora (about six gallons) per month. On the Saturnalia
and on " Compitalia" each man should have a congius (some-
thing under three quarts).

To feed the slaves. Let the olives that drop of them-
selves be kept so far as possible. Keep too those har-
vested olives that do not yield much oil, and husband them,
for they last a long time. When the olives have been con-
sumed, give out the brine and vinegar. You should dis-
tribute to every one a sextarius (about a pint) of oil per
month. A modius (quarter bushel) of salt apiece is enough
for a year.

As for clothes, [give out] a tunic of three feet and a half,
1 Modius = about a quarter bushel.

200 B.C.] HOW A FAITHFUL SLAVE SHOULD ACT 93

and a cloak (saguni) once in two years. When you give a
tunic or cloak take back the old ones, to make cassocks (?)
out of. Once in two years, good shoes should be given.

Winter wine for the slaves. Put in a wooden cask ten
parts of must (non-fermented wine) and two parts of very
pungent vinegar, and add two parts of boiled wine and fifty
of sweet water. With a paddle mix all these thrice per day
for five days in succession. Add one forty-eighth of sea-
water drawn some ' time earlier. Place the lid on the cask
and let it ferment for ten days. This wine will last until
the solstice. If any remains after that time, it will make
very sharp excellent vinegar.

34. How A FAITHFUL SLAVE SHOULD ACT
Plautus, (Comedy) " Menaechmi," Act V, Sc. 4. Bonn Translation

What a slave of about 200 A.D. had to do in order to save him-
self from constant cuffs and stripes, is here set forth somewhat
.humorously, but with a serious undercurrent of grim truth. There
was no high motive for a slave to hehave himself simply a fear
of cruel punishment if he did not. There might be -a hope of ulti-
mate freedom, but that depended entirely on the caprice of the
master.

Messenio, a slave, soliloquizes.

Well, this is the proof of a good servant : he must take care
of his master's business, look after it, arrange it, think about
it, when his master is away, take care of it diligently ; just as
much as if his master were present, or be even more careful.
He must take more care of his back than his appetite, his
legs than his stomach 1 if he's got a good heart. Just
let him think what those good-for-nothings get from their
masters, lazy, worthless fellows that they are. Stripes,
fetters, the mill, weariness, hunger, bitter cold fine pay for

i I.e. take pains to avoid whippings and leg irons, even if sometimes
he is forced to go hungry.

94 THE DECLINE OF THE EOMAN REPUBLIC

idleness. That's what I'm mightily afraid of. Surely then
it's much better to be good than to be bad. I don't mind
tongue lashings, but I do hate real floggings. I'd rather eat
meal somebody else grinds, than eat what I grind my-
self. 1 So I just obey what my master bids me; and I
execute orders carefully and diligently. My obedience, I
think, is such as is most for the profit of my back. And
it surely does pay ! Let others do just as they think it worth
while. I'll be just where I ought to be. If I stick to that,
I'll avoid blunders; and I needn't be much afraid if I'm
ready for my master, come what may. The time's pretty
close when for this [faithful] service of mine, my master
will give his reward.

35. SPARTACUS AND THE SLAVE REVOLT
Plutarch, " Life of Crassus," chaps. TOI-XI

In 73 B.C. the " Speaking Tools" as the Romans called their
slaves, especially those upon the great estates of Southern Italy
burst loose in a terrible insurrection, to quell which taxed the
whole power of the government. Despite the sympathy one must
have for these slaves and their gallant leader, their success would
have been a calamity to civilization. An army of such brutalized
wretches could only destroy ; they could never have erected a firm
and tolerable government. There had already been two dangerous
slave revolts in Sicily. After these outbreaks and the havoc and
terror spread by them, the Romans out of sheer fear seem to have
treated then* slaves more harshly than ever.

The insurrection of the gladiators and the devastation of
Italy, commonly called the war of Spartacus, began upon
this occasion. One Lentulus Batiates trained up a great
many gladiators in Capua, most of them Gauls and Thra-
cians, who, not for any fault by them committed, but

1 Refractory slaves were often sent to the hard labor of grinding grain
hi the hand mill.

73 B.C.] SPARTACUS AND THE SLAVE REVOLT 95

simply through the cruelty of their master, were kept in
confinement for the object of fighting one with another.
Two hundred of these formed a plan to escape, but their
plot being discovered, those of them who became aware of
it in time to anticipate their master, being seventy-eight,
got out of a cook's shop chopping knives and spits, and
made their way through the city, and lighting by the way
on several wagons that were carrying gladiators' arms to
another city, they seized upon them and armed themselves.
And seizing upon a defensible place, they chose three cap-
tains, of whom Spartacus was chief, a Thracian of one of
the nomad tribes, and a man not only of high spirit and
valiant, but in understanding, also, and in gentleness, supe-
rior to his condition, and more of a Grecian than the people
of his country usually are.

First, then, routing those that came out of Capua against
them, and thus procuring a quantity of proper soldiers'
arms, they gladly threw away their own as barbarous and
dishonorable. [Two praetors who were sent against them
with small armies were defeated, while a third general's
army was routed and himself slain.] After many success-
ful skirmishes with Varinus, the praetor, himself, in one of
which Spartacus took his lictors and his own horse, he
began to be great and terrible; but wisely considering that
he was not to expect to match the force of the empire, he
marched his army towards the Alps, intending, when he
had passed them, that every man should go to his own
home, some to Thrace, some to Gaul. But they, grown con-
fident in their numbers, and puffed up with their success,
would give no obedience to him, but went about and rav-
aged Italy ; so that now the Senate was not only moved ab
the indignity and baseness, both of the enemy and of the
insurrection, but, looking upon it as a matter of alarm and
of dangerous consequence, sent out both the consuls to it,
as to a great and difficult enterprise. The consul Gellius,

96 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

falling suddenly upon a party of Germans, who through
contempt and confidence had straggled from Spartacus, cut
them all to pieces. But when Lentulus with a large army
besieged Spartacus, he sallied out upon him, and, joining
battle, defeated his chief officers, and captured all his
baggage. As he made towards the Alps, Cassius, who was
praetor of that part of Gaul that lies about the Po, met him
with ten thousand men, but being overcome in battle, he
had much ado to escape himself, with the loss of a great
many of his men.

[The Senate in disgust now sent Crassus against the
rebels. Spartacus, however, defeated Mummius, Crassus's
lieutenant, and the general had to restore discipline among
the demoralized Romans by executing fifty who had begun
the flight; later he advanced again] . . . but Spartacus
retreated through Lucania toward the sea, and in the straits,
meeting with some Cilician pirate ships, he had thoughts of
attempting Sicily, where, by landing two thousand men, he
hoped to kindle anew the war of the slaves, which was but
lately extinguished, and seemed to need but a little fuel to
set it burning again. But after the pirates had struck a
bargain with him, and received his earnest, they deceived
him and sailed away. He thereupon retired again from the
sea, and established his army in the peninsula of Rhegium.
[Here Crassus tried to blockade him. Spartacus escaped
with part of his army to Lucania, but some of Spartacus's
followers mutinied, and left him. This division of mal-
contents was soon destroyed by Crassus.]

Spartacus, after this discomfiture, retired to the mountains
of Petelia, but Quintius, one of Crassus's officers, and Scrofa,
the quaestor, pursued and overtook him. But when Spartacus
rallied and faced them, they were utterly routed and fled,
and had much ado to carry off their quaestor, who was
wounded. This success, however, ruined Spartacus, because
it encouraged the slaves, who now disdained any longer to

200 B.C.] THE AUSTERITY OF CATO THE ELDER 97

avoid fighting, or to obey their officers, but as they were
upon their march, they came to them with their swords in
their hand, and compelled them to lead them back again
through Lucania, against the Romans, the very thing which
Crassus was eager for. For news was already brought that
Pompey [Crassus's rival for military glory] was at hand ;
and people began to talk openly that the honor of this war
was reserved for him, who would come and at once oblige
the enemy to fight and put an end to the war. Crassus,
therefore, eager to fight a decisive battle, encamped very
near the enemy, and began to make lines of circumvallation;
but the slaves made a sally, and attacked the pioneers. As
fresh supplies came in on either side, Spartacus, seeing there
was no avoiding it, set all his army in array, and when his
horse was brought him, he drew out his sword and killed
him, saying, if he got the day, he should have a great many
better horses of the enemies, and if he lost it, he should
have no need of this. And so making directly towards
Crassus himself, through the midst of arms and wounds, lie
missed him, but slew two centurions that fell upon him to-
gether. At last, being deserted by those that were about
him, he himself stood his ground, and, surrounded by the
enemy, bravely defending himself, was cut in pieces.

36. THE AUSTERITY OF CATO THE ELDER

Plutarch, "Life of Marcus Cato the Elder," chaps. IV-V

Cato the Elder (234 to 149 B.C.) during the eighty-five years of
his life stood for almost all that was characteristically good* and
correspondingly bad in the Roman character. In his person was
summed up the genius of the cold-blooded, hard-headed, practical,
abstemious, money-grasping, yet strictly law-abiding and temperate
race of Latin farmers who conquered the world. Few great peoples
have more strictly excluded the spiritual and ideal from theii
lives than did the Romans.

98 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

Cato grew more and more powerful by his eloquence, so
that he was commonly called the Roman Demosthenes, but
his manner of life was yet more famous and talked of.
For oratorical skill was, as an accomplishment, commonly
studied and sought after by all young men ; but he was very
rare who would cultivate the old habits of bodily labor, or
prefer a light supper, and a breakfast which never saw the
fire ; or be in love with poor clothes and a homely lodging,
or could set his ambition rather on doing without luxuries
than on possessing them. For now the state, unable to keep
its purity by reason of its greatness, and having so many
affairs, and people from all parts under its government, was
fain to admit many mixed customs, and new examples of
living.

With reason, therefore, everybody admired Cato, when
they saw others sink under labors, and grow effeminate by
pleasures ; and yet beheld him unconquered by either, and
that not only when he was young and desirous of honor, but
also when old and grayheaded, after a consulship and
triumph ; like some famous victor in the games, persevering
in his exercise and maintaining his character to the very last.
He himself says, that he never wore a suit of clothes which
cost more than a hundred drachmas ; and that, when he was
general and consul, he drank the same wine which his work-
men did ; and that the meat or fish, which was bought in
the market for his dinner did not cost above thirty asses.
All of which was for the sake of the commonwealth, that
so his body might be the hardier for the war.

Having a piece of embroidered Babylonian tapestry left
him, he sold it; because none of his farmhouses were so
much as plastered. Kor did he ever buy a slave for above
fifteen hundred drachmas ; as he did not seek for effeminate
and handsome ones, but able, sturdy workmen, horse keepers
and cowherds : and these he thought ought to be sold again,
when they grew old, and no useless servants fed in a house

184 B.C.] HOW CATO GOVERNED AS CENSOR 99

In short, he reckoned nothing a good bargain, which was
superfluous ; but whatever it was, though sold for a farthing,
he would think it a great price, if you had no need of it;
and was for the purchase of lands for sowing and feeding,
rather than grounds for sweeping and watering.

Some imputed these things to petty avarice, but others
approved of him, as if he had only the more strictly denied
himself for the rectifying and amending of others. Yet
certainly, in my judgment, it marks an overrigid temper,
for a man to take the work out of his servants as out of
brute beasts, turning them off and selling them in their old
age, and thinking there ought to be no further commerce
between man and man, than whilst there arises some profit
by it. We see that kindness or humanity has a larger field
than bare justice to exercise itself in ; law and justice we
cannot, in the nature of things, employ on others than men ;
but we may extend our goodness and charity even to
irrational creatures ; and such acts flow from a gentle nature,
as water from an abundant spring. It is doubtless the part
of a kind-natured man to keep even worn-out horses and
dogs, and not only take care of them when they are foals
and whelps, but also when they are grown old.

37. How CATO THE ELDER GOVERNED AS CENSOR

Livy, "History," book XXXTX, chaps. 40-44

In 184 B.C. Cato the Elder was elected censor. Under his
administration the scourge was vigorously applied to the iniquities
and follies of the younger generation of the Eoman nobles, who,
after the Second Punic War and the victories in Greece and Asia,
were becoming lax and luxurious. No man ever stood for " the
good old ways " more steadfastly than did Cato ; and his censor-
ship became a proverb for its severity.

[Among the numerous candidates for the censorship that
year] Marcus Porcius Cato far surpassed them all. So

100 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

great were his mental and intellectual powers that no
matter how humbly he was born, he seemed capable of
reaching the highest rank. -No qualification for business,
public or private, was wanting in him. Urban or rustic
affairs he was alike skilled in. Some have won the highest
honors, thanks to legal knowledge : some by their eloquence,
some by military fame but this man's genius was so
versatile that whichever way it was engaged it might be
said that nature formed him for that end alone.

In war he was most courageous, winning renown in many
notable battles; and when he reached the generalship, he
[won fame too] as a distinguished commander. In peace,
if consulted on points of law, he was the wisest councilor ;
in litigation, he was the most eloquent advocate. Nor was
his oratory only of temporary interest and force, during his
own life, leaving no monument behind it. On the contrary,
his eloquence still lives, and will long live, consecrated to
memory by all kinds of writings. His orations were many,
some in his own behalf, some for others, or against others;
for he harassed his enemies [by continual litigation].
Enmities in abundance gave him plenty of employment, and
he never suffered them to sleep, nor was it easy to tell
whether the nobility labored harder to keep him down or he
to oppress the nobility.

Cato's severity of Temper

No doubt his temper was sharp, his language bitter and
absolutely reckless, but his mind was never conquered by
his passions, his integrity was inflexible, and he looked
with contempt on popular favor and riches. In spare diet,
in enduring toil and danger, his body and mind were like
iron ; so that old age which brings all things to dissolution
, could not break his vigor. In his eighty-sixth year he
stood a trial, pleaded his own cause, and published his

184 B.C.] HOW CATO GOVERNED AS CENSOR 101

speech. ; and in his ninetieth year he brought Servius G-alba
to trial before the People.

On the occasion when he was candidate for the censor-
ship, as in all his previous career, the nobility tried to
crush him. All the candidates, too, except Lucius Valerius
Flaccus, who had been his colleague in the consulship, com-
bined to defeat him [as being a personal enemy, and fearing
a most severe censorship under him. Cato resisted them
boldly and asked for Flaccus as colleague as being] " the
only colleague, working with whom he could correct
' modern profligacy } and reestablish the ancient morals."
People were so inflamed by such harangues that in spite of
the opposition of the nobility, they not only made Cato
censor, but gave him Flaccus for his colleague.

How Cato dealt witJi Lucius Quintus
While anxious curiosity blended with fear [in all quar-
ters], these censors made their survey of the Senate. Seven
they expelled therefrom, one an ex-consul, highly distin-
guished by birth and honorable offices, Lucius Quintius
Maniinius. It is mentioned, as a usage instituted in memory
of our forefathers, that the censors should annex marks of
censure to the names of such as they degraded from the
Senate. There are severe speeches of Cato, against those
whom he either expelled from the Senate, or degraded from
Equestrian rank, but by far the most so is that against
Lucius Quintius. Had Cato given his speech as a mere
prosecutor, not as a censor, not even Titus, Quintius's own
brother could have suffered him to stay in the Senate.

Among other charges he declared that he had [taken one
Philip, a Carthaginian and a favorite serving boy, to his
province of Gaul] and this youth used frequently in wanton
squabbling to upbraid him for quitting Rome just before the
gladiator show. It chanced that during a feast, while they
were hot with wine, a message was brought into the banquet-

102 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

ing place, that a Boian nobleman had come as a desertei
with his children, and wished to see the consul, that he
might in person receive his pledge of protection. He was
accordingly introduced into the tent, and began to talk
through an interpreter, but even as he spoke Quintius said
to his minion, " Since you left the show of gladiators, don't
you want to see this Gaul dying ? " When the other assented,
but scarcely in earnest, the consul, drawing a sword that
hung over his head, first struck the Gaul as he was speak-
ing, and then when he was running out, begging for the " pro-
tection of the Roman People, and everybody present," ran
him through the body.

[Other outrageous stories were told of the lust and cruelty
of this Quintius.] In the latter part of Cato's speech he
proposed to Quintius that if he denied this fact, and the
other accusations, he should give security to stand a regular
trial; but if he confessed them, could he suppose, he
demanded, that any one would be sorry for his disgrace,
the disgrace of him who, in the midst of a feast, intoxicated
as he was by wine and lust, had sported with the blood of a
human being.

Other Censorial Measures

In the review of the equites, Lucius Scipio Asiaticus was
degraded. In fixing the rates of taxation, also, the censor's
conduct was harsh and severe on all ranks of men. People
were ordered to give an account upon their oaths of women's
dresses, and ornaments, and carriages exceeding in value
15,000 asses [about $250]. Also it was ordered that
slaves, younger than twenty years, which since the last
[censorial] survey had been sold for 10,000 asses [about
$166] or more should be estimated at ten times their value
[for taxation purposes, and that on all these articles a tax
should be laid of three denarii for each thousand asses]. 1

1 Ten asses at this time seem to have made one denarius. This then
was a three per cent tax.

133 B.C.] AGRARIAN SITUATION IN ITALY 103

The censors took away water wliicli belonged to the public,
that was running or was carried into any private building
or field ; and they demolished within thirty days all build-
ings or sheds in possession of private parties that projected
upon public ground. They then engaged contractors for
executing government works, with the money decreed for
this purpose, for paving cisterns with stone, for cleansing
the sewers when it was needful, for forming new ones on
the Aventine, and in other quarters, where hitherto there
had been none.

Dividing next their tasks, Flaccus built a mole to Nep-
tunia on the coast, and made a road through the Formian
hills. Cato bought for the public use two halls, the Marnian
and the Titian in. the Latumise, and four shops, and built there
a court of justice which was called [from him] the Porcian.
They farmed out the several branches of the revenue at the
highest prices, and bargained with the contractors for the
performance of the public services on the lowest terms.
When the Senate, overcome by the prayers and lamenta-
tions of the tax contractors, 1 ordered these bargains revoked,
the censors, by an edict, excluded from the bidding every-
body who had evaded the former contracts, and relet the
same branches [of public service] at very nearly the old
rates.

This was a remarkable censorship, and the origin of many
deadly feuds. It rendered Marcus Cato, to whom all the
harshness was attributed, an. uneasy man for the rest of his
life. [He died thirty-five years later.]

38. THE AGRARIAN SITUATION- IN ITALY IN 133 B.C.

Appian, " Civil Wars,*' book I, 7-9. White's Translation

The following extract makes fairly clear the condition of the
fanners of Italy just before the rise of Tiberius Gracchus, and

i Who had found their contracts unprofitable.

104 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

shows what a terrible grievance the peasantry had against the
owners and exploiters of the latefundia the great estates
worked usually by cheap slave labor.

The Romans, while they subdued one after another of the
peoples of Italy, used to confiscate part of their lands, and
build towns thereon, or established their own colonies in
those already in existence, and used them in place of garri-
sons. Of the land acquired by war they granted the culti-
vated part promptly to settlers, or leased it, or sold it
[outright]. -Since they had no leisure, as yet, to allot the
part which then lay desolated by war, usually the major
part, they would proclaim that in the interval those who
wished to till it might do so for a share of the yearly crops,
a tenth of the grain and a fifth of the fruit. Herdsmen
had to give a share of their animals, both oxen and small
cattle. This policy was followed to multiply the Italian
race, which they reckoned the most laborious of peoples, in
order to have plenty of allies at home.

The very opposite thing, however, happened; for the
wealthy, getting hold of the greater part of the undis-
tributed lands, growing bold by lapse of time and thinking
they would never be ousted, added to their [original] hold-
ings the small farms of their poor neighbors. This they
did partly by purchase, yet partly by force; and so they
cultivated vast tracts [of land] in lieu of mere private
estates. To work them they used slaves as farm hands and
herdsmen, lest free laborers should be forced to quit farm
work for the army. The ownership of slaves brought huge
profit from the multitude of the children [of the slaves],
who increased because they were exempt from army service.
Thus the magnates became marvelously rich, and the race
of slaves multiplied through the land, while the [free] folk
of Italy dwindled alike in numbers and power, ground down
as they were by poverty, taxation, and [constant] service in
the army. If any relaxation from these evils came, they

133 B.C.] MURDER OF TIBERIUS GRACCHUS 105

passed their time in sheer idleness, for the land was in the
clutches of the rich, who employed slaves as farm hands,
not freemen.

These were the reasons why the people became [at last]
troubled lest they should no longer have enough allies of
the Italian stock, and lest the very government should be
in danger by such a horde of slaves. They did not see any
[real] remedy, for it was not easy, nay, it was hardly just,
to deprive men of such large holdings which they had kept
so long, and which included [the holder's own] trees, build-
ings, and fixtures. Once, indeed, a law had been passed on
the motion of the tribunes, forbidding any one to hold more
than 500 jugera (about 330 acres) of this [public] land, or
pasture upon it more than 100 cattle or 500 sheep. To
insure the observance of this law there must be a certain
number of freemen kept upon the farms, whose business
was to watch and report proceedings thereon. Persons
holding [public] lands under the law were bound to swear
to obey it, and penalties were laid for violation thereof. It
was presumed that the rest of the [public] land would soon
be divided in small lots among the poor. But not the least
heed was paid to the law or the oaths. The few who
seemed to respect them somewhat, conveyed their [surplus]
lands to their relatives fraudulently; the majority disre-
garded them altogether. [At last Tiberius Gracchus arose
in protest.]

39. THE MURDER OP TIBERIUS GRACCHUS AXV THE
FIRST SEDITION IN ROME

Plutarch, " Life of Tiberius Gracchus," chaps. XVI-XX

In 133 B.C. Tiberius Gracchus, having as tribune forced
through legislation highly displeasing to the ruling nobility, sought
reelection to office from the people. To prevent this continuance
of their enemy in power the aristocrats did not hesitate to resort

106 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

to violence. For practically the first time in Roman history a
political dispute was settled not peacefully, but with clubs and
swords. What made the murder of Tiberius Gracchus worse, was
the fact that he was still an " inviolate " tribune. The senatorial
oligarchy be it noted were the first to resort to violence and
precipitate civil war: and they gained their reward in the
triumph of Caesarism.

Tiberius then, went down into the market place amongst
the people, and made his addresses to them humbly and
with, tears in his eyes ; and told them he had just reason to
suspect that his adversaries would attempt in the night
time to break open his house, and murder him. This worked
so strongly with the multitude, that several of them pitched
tents round about his house, and kept guard all night for
the security of his person. By break of day [the soothsayer
tried to take the omens, but the chickens refused to eat,
a very bad sign],

However, Tiberius went towards the Capitol, as soon as
he understood that the people were assembled there; but
before he got out of the house, he stumbled upon the
threshold with such violence, that he broke the nail of his
great toe, insomuch that blood gushed out of his shoe. He
was not gone very far before he saw two ravens fighting on
the top of a house which stood on his left hand as he passed
along; and though he was surrounded with a number of
people, a stone, struck from its place by one of the ravens,
fell just at his foot. This even the boldest men about him.
felt as a check. But Blossius of Cuma, who was present^
told him, that it would be a shame, and an ignominious
thing, for Tiberius, who was the son of Gracchus, the grand-
son of Scipio Africanus, and the protector of the Roman
people, to refuse, for fear of a silly bird, to answer, when
his countrymen called to him ; and that his adversaries
would represent it not as a mere matter for their ridicule,
but would declaim about it to the people as the mark of a

133 B.C.] MURDER OF TIBERIUS GRACCHUS 107

tyrannical temper, -which felt a pride in taking liberties
with the people. At the same time several messengers came
also from his friends, to desire his presence at the Capitol,
saying that all things went there according to expectation.
And indeed Tiberius's first entrance there was in every way
successful ; [the people received him with loud cheers, but
in the crowd and confusion it was impossible to proceed
with the vote in an orderly way].

Whilst things were in this confusion, Fulvius Flaccus,
a senator, standing in a place where he could be seen, but
at such a distance from Tiberius that he could not make
him hear, signified to him by motions of his hand, that he
wished to impart something of consequence to him in
private. Tiberius ordered the multitude to make way for
him, by which means, though not without some difficulty,
Fulvius got to him, and informed him, that the rich men, in
a sitting of the Senate, seeing they could not prevail upon
the consul to espouse their quarrel, had come to a final
determination amongst themselves, that he should be assas-
sinated, and to that purpose had a great number of their
friends and servants ready armed to accomplish it.

Tiberius no sooner communicated this intelligence to
those about him, but they immediately tucked up their
gowns, broke into pieces the halberts which the officers used
to keep the crowd off, and distributed them 'among them-
selves, resolving to resist the attack with these. Those
who stood at a distance wondered, and asked what was the
occasion; Tiberius, knowing that they could not hear him
at that distance, lifted his hand to his head, wishing to inti-
mate the great danger which he apprehended himself to be
in. His adversaries, taking notice of that action, ran off at
once to the senate house, and declared, that Tiberius desired
the people to bestow a crown upon him, as if this were the
meaning of his touching his head.

[The consul refused to order arms against Tiberius, but

108 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

Nasica urged stern measures.] "Since the consul," said he
" regards not the safety of the commonwealth, let every one
who will defend the laws follow me." He, then, casting the
skirt of his gown over his head, hastened to the Capitol ;
those who bore him company wrapped their gowns also about
their arms and forced their way after him. And as they
were persons of the greatest authority in the city the com-
mon people did not venture to obstruct their passing, but
were so eager to clear the way for them that they tumbled
over one another in haste. The attendants they brought
with them had furnished themselves with clubs and staves
from their houses, and they themselves picked up the feet
and other fragments of stools and chairs, which were broken
by the hasty flight of the common people.

Thus armed, they made towards Tiberius, knocking down
those whom they found in front of him, and those were soon
wholly dispersed, and many of them slain. Tiberius tried
to save himself by flight. As he was running, he was stopped
by one who caught hold of him by the gown ; but he threw
it off, and fled in his undergarments only. And stumbling
over those who before had been knocked down, as he was en-
deavoring to get up again, Publius Satureius, a tribune, one
of his colleagues, was observed to give him the first fatal
stroke, by hitting him upon the head with the foot of a stool.
The second blow was claimed, as though it had been a deed
to be proud of, by Lucius Rufus. And of the rest there fell
above three hundred, killed by clubs and staves only, none
by an iron weapon.

This, we are told, was the first sedition amongst the Ro-
mans, since the abrogation of kingly government, that ended
in* the effusion of blood. All former quarrels which were
neither small nor about trivial matters, were always amicably
composed, by mutual concessions on either side, the Senate
yielding for fear of the commons, and the commons out of
respect to the Senate. And it is probable indeed that Tibe-

Ill B.C.] THE DEGENERATE SENATE 109

rius himself might then have been easily induced, by mere
persuasion, to give way, and certainly, if attacked at all,
must have yielded without any recourse to violence and
bloodshed, as he had not at that time above three thousand
men to support him. But it is evident that this conspiracy
was fomented against him, more out of the hatred and
malice which the rich men had to his person, than for the
reasons which they commonly pretended against him. In
testimony of which, we may adduce the cruelty and unnatural
insults which they used to his dead body. For they would
not suffer his own brother, though he earnestly begged the
favor, to bury him in the night, but threw him, together
with the other corpses, into the river.

40. HOW JUGURTHA CORRUPTED THE DEGENERATE

SENATE

Sallust, " Jugurthine War," chaps. 13, 16, 32, 33, 35. Bolin Translation

Jugurtha, king of Numidia (118 to 106 B.O.), a sly and slip-
pery African, was the occasion of revealing in plain day the
corruption that had penetrated the Roman Senate. He was quite
familiar with the condition of affairs in Rome, and but for the fact
that the "popular" anti-senatorial party was again raising its
head against his noble friends, he would probably have bought his
way to perfect immunity.

Jugurtha [having murdered his kinsman Hiempsal, the
ally of Rome] began to feel a dread of the Roman people,
against whose wrath he had no hopes of safety save in the
avarice of the nobility and his own riches. Therefore he
speedily sent envoys to Rome with a profusion of gold and
silver. He ordered them in the first place to make abun-
dant presents to his old friends and to get him new ones
in short not to stickle at accomplishing everything possible
by bribery.

When these deputies reached Rome and had sent large

110 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

presents as directed, to his special friends and other men
then very influential, so remarkable a change ensued that
Jugurtha, from being an object of the greatest odium, grew
into great regard and favor with the nobility, who, partly
allured with hope, and partly with actual bribes, tried by
soliciting the members of the Senate individually to pre-
vent any severe measures from being adopted against him.
When the envoys, therefore, felt sure of success the Senate,
on an appointed day, gave an audience to both parties. 1

[Despite the obvious justice of the complaints of the partisans
of Hiempsal, and the denunciations of Jugurtha by several promi-
nent Senators, the decision was in favor of Jugurtha ; and com-
missioners were appointed to divide Numidia between him and
Adherbal, the surving heir of the late king,]

Although Jugurtha had already counted Scaurus [one of
these commissioners] among his friends at Rome, yet he
received him with the most studied ceremony, and by pres-
ents and promises wrought on him so effectually that he
preferred the prince's interest to his own character, honor,
and all other considerations. The rest of the commissions
he assailed in a similar way and gained over most of them ;
by a few only was integrity given more weight than lucre.

[Jugurtha accordingly had the kingdom divided altogether to
his liking ; nevertheless, he ultimately found himself at war with
Rome, yet he soon found means to purchase a treaty of peace.]

Some [Roman officers] seduced by gold had restored to
Jugurtha his war elephants ; others had sold back to him
his deserters; others had ravaged the lands of the popu-
lation friendly to us [Romans], so strong was the spirit of
rapacity, which like a contagious pestilence had pervaded
the breasts of all.

1 His cousin Adherbal, the cousin of Jugurtha, with whom he had been
at war, had also sent an embassy to the Senate to make complaints
against Jugurtha.

102 B.C.] MARIUS OVERTHROWS THE TEUTONES 111

Jugurtha accordingly returned to Rome, but without any
mark of royalty, and in the costume so far as possible
of a suppliant ; and though he felt great confidence on his
own part, and was supported by everybody through whose
influence or villainy he had executed his schemes, never-
theless he bought with a huge bribe the help of Gaius
Baebius, a plebeian tribune, by whose brazen help he trusted
to be protected against the law or any other harm.

[He overreached himself, however, and popular clamor
arising against him] he departed upon being ordered by
the Senate to quit Italy. But, as he was leaving Rome, he,
it is said, after frequently looking back on it silently, at
last cried out, " venal city! And soon to perish, if but
a purchaser be found!"

[To conquer him and his Numidians cost the Romans a long
and troublesome war.]

41. How MARIUS OVERTHREW THE TEUTONES

Plutarch, "Life of Marius," cbaps, XVH-XXI

In the latter part of the second century B.O. the Germanic
tribes of the north began their restless wanderings westward and
southward movements that never ceased until they had de-
stroyed the Roman Empire. But their conquest was postponed
for centuries by the victory of Marius (102 B.C.) at Aquae Sextise
in southern Gaul over the Teutones, a most formidable tribe
threatening to overwhelm Italy. The deliverance was completed
the next year by his victory over their allies, the Cimbri. This
coming on the scene of the Germans is an event in world history,
and worthy to be recorded.

Now the Teutones, whilst Marius lay quiet, ventured
to attack his camp ; from whence, however, being encoun-
tered with showers of darts, and losing several of their men,
they determined to march forward, hoping to reach the
other side of the Alps without opposition, and, packing up

112 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

their baggage, passed securely by the Roman camp, where
the greatness of their number was especially made evident
by the long time they took in their march, for they were
said to be six days in passing Marius's fortifications ; they
marched pretty near, and revilingly asked the Romans
if they would send any commands by them to their
wives, for they would shortly be with them. As soon as
they were passed and bad gone on a little distance ahead,
Marius began to move, and follow them at his leisure,
always encamping at some small distance from them;
choosing also strong positions, and carefully fortifying
bhem, that he might quarter with safety. Thus they
marched till they came to the place called Sextilius's
Waters, 1 from whence it was but a short way before being
amidst the Alps, and here Marius put himself in readiness
for the encounter.

He chose a place for his camp of considerable strength,
but where there was a scarcity of water; designing, it is
said, by this means, also, to put an edge on his soldiers'
courage; and when several were not a little distressed,
and complained of thirst, pointing to a river that ran
near the enemy's camp: "There," said he, "you may have
drink, if you will buy it with your blood." " Why, then/'
replied they, " do you not lead us to them, before our blood
is dried up in us ? " He answered, in a softer tone, " Let
us first fortify our camp," and the soldiers, though not
without repining, proceeded to obey, [A fight was pre-
cipitated, however, by the horse boys and camp servants
of the Romans, who went down to the river for water
and fell in with a small band of the enemy. After a sharp
skirmish, the whole body of the Ambrones, a warlike tribe
in alliance with the Teutones, came charging across the
river against the Romans.]

iAquse Sextilise, more correctly Aquae Sextise, the modern Aix ol
Provence, a little noith of Marseilles.

MARIUS OVERTHROWS THE TEUTONES 113

How the Battle was Precipitated

The river disordered the Ambrones; before they could
draw up all their array on the other side of it, the Ligu-
rians [allies of the Romans] presently fell upon the van,
and began to charge them hand to hand. The Romans,
too, coming to their assistance, and from the higher ground
pouring upon the enemy, forcibly repelled them, and the
most of them (one thrusting another into the river) were
there slain, and filled it with their blood and dead bodies.
Those that got safe over, not daring to make head, were
slain by the Romans, as they fled to their camp and
wagons; where the women, meeting them with swords and
hatchets, and making a hideous outcry, set upon those
that fled as well as those that pursued, the one as traitors,
the other as enemies; and, mixing themselves with the
combatants, with their bare arms pulling away the Ro-
mans' shields, and laying hold on their swords, endured
the wounds and slashing of their bodies to the very last,
with undaunted resolution. Thus the battle seems to
have happened at that river rather by accident than by the
design of the general.

TJie Night after the First Day of Fighting

After the Romans were retired from the great slaughter
of the Ambrones, night came on; but the army was not
indulged, as was the usual custom, with songs of victory,
drinking in their tents, and mutual entertainments, and
(what is most welcome to soldiers after successful fighting)
quiet sleep, but they passed that night, above all others, in
fears and alarm. For their camp was without either ram-
part or palisade, and there remained thousands upon thou-
sands of their enemies yet unconquered; to whom were
joined as many of the Ambrones as escaped. There were
heard, from these, all through the night, wild bewailings,

114 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

nothing like the sighs and groans of men, but a sort of wild-
beastlike howling and roaring, joined with threats and
lamentations rising from the vast multitude, and echoed
among the neighboring hills and hollow banks of the river.
The whole plain was filled with hideous noise, insomuch
that the Romans were not a little afraid, and Marius him-
self was apprehensive of a confused tumultuous night
engagement. But the enemy did not stir either this night
or the next day, but were employed in disposing and draw-
ing themselves up to the greatest advantage.

TJie Decisive Battle on the Second Day

Of this occasion Marius made good use ; for there were
beyond the enemies some wooded ascents and deep valleys
thickly set with trees, whither he sent Claudius Marcellus,
secretly, with three thousand regular soldiers, giving him
orders to post them in ambush there, and show themselves
at the rear of the enemies, when the fight was begun. The
others, refreshed with victuals and sleep, as soon as it was
day he drew up before the camp, and commanded the horse
to sally out into the plain, at the sight of which the
Teutones could not contain themselves till the Romans
should come down and fight them on equal terms, but
hastily arming themselves, charged in their fury up the
hillside. Marius, sending officers to all parts, commanded
his men to stand still and keep their ground} when they
came within reach, to throw their javelins, then use their
swords, and, joining their shields, force them back; point-
ing out to them that the steepness of the ground would
render the enemy's blows inefficient, nor could their shields
be kept close together, the inequality of the ground hinder-
ing the stability of their footing.

This counsel he gave them, and was the first that fol-
lowed it 5 for he was inferior to none in the use of his

82 B.C.] REIGN OF TERROR UNDER SULLA 115

body, and far excelled all in resolution. The Romans
accordingly stood for their approach, and, checking them in
their advance upwards, forced them little by little to give
way and yield down the hill, and here, on the level ground,
no sooner had the Ambrones begun to restore their van into
a posture of resistance, but they found their rear disordered.
For Marcellus had not let slip the opportunity ; but as soon
as the shout was raised among the Romans on the hills, he,
setting his men in motion, fell in upon the enemy behind,
at full speed, and with loud cries, and routed those nearest
him, and they, breaking the ranks of those that were before
them, filled tjie whole army with confusion. They made no
long resistance after they were thus broke in upon, but hav-
ing lost all order, fled.

The Romans, pursuing them, slew and took prisoners
above one hundred thousand, and possessing themselves of
their spoils, tents, and carriages, voted all that was not
plundered to Marius's share, which, though so magnificent a
present, yet was generally thought less than his conduct
deserved in so great a danger.

42. THE REIGUT OF TERROR UNDER STTLLA

Plutarch's "Life of Sulla," chaps. XXXT-XXXTT

In 82 B.C. Sulla, having become master of the state and being
resolved upon a thorough reorganization of the government in favor
of the aristocrats, undertook to eliminate every person who might
prove an enemy to his scheme. He went about this policy with a
cold-blooded and typically Roman thoroughness. What followed
his edict is graphically told by Plutarch.

Few events in Roman history illustrate the lack of sentiment
and the inherent lack of humanity among the Latins better than
this. It is worth noticing that Sulla's cruelties did not succeed.
Practically all his innovations in the constitution were overthrown
in 70 B.C.

116 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

Sulla being thus wholly bent upon slaughter, and filling
the city with executions without number or limit, many
wholly uninterested persons falling a sacrifice to private
enmity, through his permission and indulgence to his friends,
Caius Metellus, one of the younger men, made bold in. the
Senate to ask him what end there was of these evils, and at
what point he might be expected to stop ? " We do not ask
you," said he, "to pardon any whom you have resolved to
destroy, but to free from doubt those whom you are pleased
to save," Sulla answering, that he knew not as yet whom
to spare. "Why then," said he, "tell us whom you will
punish." This Sulla said he would do. These last words,
some authors say, were spoken not by Metellus, but by Afid-
ius, 1 one of Sulla's fawning companions. Immediately
upon this, without communicating with any of the magis-
tiates, Sulla proscribed eighty persons, and notwithstand-
ing the general indignation, after one day's respite, he
posted two hundred and twenty more, and on the third
again, as many.

In an address to the people on this occasion, he told them
he had put up as many names as he could think of; those
which had escaped his memory he would publish at a future
time. He issued an edict likewise, making death the pun-
ishment of humanity, proscribing any who should dare to
receive and cherish a proscribed person, without exception
to brother, son, or parents. And to him who should slay
any proscribed person he ordained two talents reward, even
were it a slave who had killed his master, or a son his
father. And what was thought most unjust of all, he
caused the attainder to pass to their sons, and son's sons,
and made open sale of all their property.

Nor did the proscription prevail only at Rome, but
throughout all the cities of Italy the effusion of blood was

1 Aftdius is probably a mistake (of Plutarch or of a transcribe**) for
Fufidius.

82 B.C.] REIGN OF TERROR UNDER SULLA 117

such, that neither sanctuary of the gods, nor hearth of hos-
pitality, nor ancestral home escaped. Men were butchered
in the embraces of their wives, children in the arms of
their mothers. Those who perished through public ani-
mosity or private enmity were nothing in comparison to
the numbers of those who suffered for their riches. Even
the murderers began to say, that " his fine house killed this
man, a garden that, a third, his hot baths." Quintus Aure-
lius, a quiet, peaceable man, and one who thought all his
part in the common calamity consisted in condoling with
the misfortunes of others, coming into the Forum to read the
list, and finding himself among the proscribed, cried out,
" Woe is me, my Alban farm has informed against me." He
had not gone far, before he was dispatched by a ruffian,
sent on that errand.

Meantime, Marius [the Younger], when about to be taken,
killed himself; and Sulla, coming to Prseneste, at first pro-
ceeded judicially against each particular person, till at last,
finding it a work of too much time, he cooped them up to-
gether in one place, to the number of twelve thousand men,
and gave order for the execution of them all, his own host
alone excepted. But he, brave man, telling him he could
not accept the obligation of life from the hands of one who
had been the ruin of his country, went in among the rest,
and submitted willingly to the stroke.

What Lucius Catilina did was thought to exceed all other
acts. For having, before matters came to an issue, made
away with his brother, he besought Sulla to place him in the
list of proscription, as though he had been alive, which was
done ; and Catiline, to return the kind office, assassinated a
certain Marcus Marius, one of the adverse party, and brought
the head to Sulla, as he was sitting in the Forum, and then
going to the holy water of Apollo, which was nigh, washed
his hands.

118 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

43. THE VAST POWER OF MITHRIDATES
Appian, "Mithridatic Wars," 118-119. White's Translation

In Mithridates, king of Pontus (reigned 120 to 63 B.C.), the
Romans found their most formidable enemy, save only Hannibal.
That he was a foeman worthy to contend with Sulla, Lucullus,
and Pornpey is testified to in the following from Appian. In con-
quering Mithridates the Romans, almost against their wish, were
forced to conquer most of the nearer Orient, especially all of
Asia Minor and Syria, and to come face to face with Parthia.

[When at last Mithridates had been overthrown the Romans
called the victory over him " The Great Victory " and Pompey, his
conqueror, " The Great " on account of the magnitude and inten-
sity of his resistance.]

Many times Mithridates had over 400 ships of his own,
50,000 cavalry, and 250,000 infantry, with engines and arms
in proportion. For allies he had the king of Armenia and
the princes of the Scythian tribes around the Euxine and
the Sea of Azov and beyond, as far as the Thracian Bospho-
rus. He held communication with the leaders of the Roman
civil wars, which were then fiercely raging, and with those
who were inciting insurrections in Spain. He established
friendly relations with the Gauls for the purpose of invading
Italy.

From Cilicia to the Pillars of Hercules he also filled the
sea with pirates, who stopped all commerce and navigation
between cities, and caused severe famine for a long time.
In short, he left nothing within the power of man undone
or untried to start the greatest possible movement, extend-
ing from the Orient to the Occident, to vex, so to speak, the
whole world, which was warred upon, tangled in alliances,
harassed by pirates, or vexed by the neighborhood of the
warfare. Such and so diversified was this one war [against
Mithridates], but in the end it brought the greatest gain to
the Romans ; for it pushed the boundaries of their dominion
from the setting of the sun to the river Euphrates.

LUCULLUS'S TRIUMPH OVER MITHRIDATES 119

44. LUCULLUS'S TRIUMPH OVER MITHRIDATES AND HIS
LUXURIOUS MODE OF LIFE

Plutarch, " Life of Lucullus," chaps. XXXVH, XXXI-XLH

Lucullus (died about 56 B.C.) would have conquered Mithri-
dates, had not Pompey been sent out (66 B.C.) to supersede him.
As it was, he brought back from the East enough wealth for
a magnificent triumph. Afterwards, disgusted at the political
situation, he retired into private life and spent his days in a
splendid luxury and gilded indolence that made his name pro-
verbial. We still speak of " Lucullan banquets."

Lucullus, upon his return to Rome, found his brother
Marcus accused by Caius Mernmius for his acts as quaestor,
done by Sulla's orders; and on his acquittal, Meminius
changed the scene, and animated the people against Lucul-
lus himself, urging them to deny him a triumph for appro-
priating the spoils and prolonging the war. In this great
struggle, the nobility and chief men went down and, min-
gling in person among the tribes, with much entreaty and
labor, scarce at length prevailed upon them to consent to his
triumph. The pomp of which proved not so wonderful
or so wearisome with the length of the procession and the
number of things carried in it, but consisted chiefly in vast
quantities of arms and machines of the king's, with which
he adorned the Maminian circus, a spectacle by no means
despicable.

In his progress there passed by a few horsemen in heavy
armor, ten chariots armed with scythes, sixty friends and
officers of the king's, and a hundred and ten brazen-beaked
ships of war, which were conveyed along with them, a
golden image of Mithridates six feet high, a shield set with
precious stones, twenty loads of silver vessels, and thirty-
two of golden cups, armor, and money, all carried by men.
Besides which, eight mules were laden with golden couches,
fifty-six with bullion, and a hundred and seven with coined

120 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

silver, little less than two millions seven hundred thousand
pieces. There were tablets, also, with inscriptions, stating
what moneys he gave Pompey for prosecuting the piratic
war, what he delivered into the treasury, and what he gave
to every soldier, which was nine hundred and fifty drachmas
[about $150] each. After all which, he nobly feasted the
city and adjoining villages.

Lucullus's Villas

And, indeed, Lucullus's life, like the Old Comedy, presents
us at the commencement with acts of policy and of war, at
the end offering nothing but good eating and drinking,
f eastings and revelings, and mere play. For I give no
higher name to his sumptuous buildings, porticoes, and baths,
still less to his paintings and sculptures, and all his industry
about these curiosities, which he collected with vast expense,
lavishly bestowing all the wealth and treasure which he got
in the war upon them, insomuch that even now, with all the
advance of luxury, the Lucullan gardens are counted the
noblest the emperor has.

Tubero the stoic, when he saw his buildings at Naples,
where he suspended the hills upon vast tunnels, brought in
the sea for moats and fish ponds round his house, and built
pleasure houses in the waters, called him c Xerxes in a gown/
He had also fine seats in Tusculum, belvederes, and large
open balconies for men's apartments, and porticoes to walk
in, where Pompey coming to see him, blamed him for mak-
ing a house which would be pleasant in summer, but
uninhabitable in winter ; whom he answered with a smile,
" You think me, then, less provident than cranes and storks,
not to change my home with the season."

When a praetor, with great expense and pains, was pre-
paring a spectacle for the people, and asked him to lend
him some purple robes for the performers in a chorus, he
told him he would go home and see, and if he had got any,

LUCULLUS'S TKIUMPH OVER MITHRIDATES 121

would let him have them ; and the next day asking how
many he wanted, and being told that a hundred would
suffice, bade him to take twice as many ; on which the poet
Horace observes, that a house is but a poor one, where the
valuables unseen and unthought of do not exceed all those
that meet the eye.

Lucullus's daily entertainments were ostentatiously
extravagant, not only with purple coverlets, and plate
adorned with precious stones, and dancings, and interludes,
but with the greatest diversity of dishes and the most elabo-
rate cookery, for the vulgar to admire and envy. It was a
happy thought of Pompey in his sickness, when his physician
prescribed a thrush for his dinner, and his servants told
him that in summer time thrushes were not to be found
anywhere but in Lucullus' s fattening coops, that he would
not suffer them to fetch one thence, but observing to his
physician, " So if Lucullus had not been an epicure, Pompey
had not lived," ordered something else that could easily be
got to be prepared for him. Cato was his friend and connec-
tion, but, nevertheless, so hated his life and habits, that when
a young man in the Senate made a long and tedious speech,
in praise of frugality and temperance, Cato got up and said,
"How long do you mean to go on making money like Cras-
sus, living like Lucullus, and talking like Cato ? " There
are some, however, who say the words were said, but not
by Cato.

It is plain from the anecdotes on record of him, that
Lucullus was not only pleased with, but even gloried in, his
way of living. For he is said to have feasted several Greeks
upon their coming to Rome day after day, who, out of a true
Grecian principle, being ashamed, and declining the invita-
tion, where so great an expense was every day incurred for
them, he with a smile told them, " Some of this, indeed, my
Grecian friends, is for your sakes, but more for that of
Lucullus."

122 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

How Lucullus entertained Cicero and Pompey

Once when he sapped alone, there being only one course,
and that but moderately furnished, he called his steward
and reproved him, who, professing to have supposed that
there would be no need of any great entertainment, when no-
body was invited, was answered, " What, did not you know,
then, that to-day Lucullus dines with Lucullus ? " Which
being much spoken of about the city, Cicero and Pompey
one day met him loitering in the Forum, the former his inti-
mate friend and familiar, and, though there had been some
ill will between Pompey and him about the command in the
war, still they used to see each other and converse on easy
terms together. Cicero accordingly saluted him, and asked
him whether to-day were a good time for asking a favor of
him, and on his answering, "Very much so," and begging to
hear what it was, " Then," said Cicero, " we should like to
dine with you to-day, just on the dinner that is prepared
for yourself." Lucullus being surprised, and requesting a
day's time, they refused to grant it, neither suffered him to
talk to his servants, for fear he should give order for more
than was appointed before. But thus much they consented
to, that before their faces he might tell his servant, that
to-day he would sup in the Apollo (for so one of his best
dining rooms was called), and by this evasion he outwitted
his guests. For every room, as it seems, had its own
assessment of expenditure, dinner at such a price, and all
else in accordance ; so that the servants, on knowing where
he would dine, knew also how much was to be expended,
and in what style and form dinner was to be served. The
expense for the Apollo was fifty thousand drachmas
[$8000], and thus much being that day laid out, the great-
ness of the cost did not so much amaze Pompey and Cicero,
as the rapidity of the outlay. One might believe Lucullus
thought his money really captive and barbarian, so wantonly
and contumelioiisly did he treat it.

63 B.C.] POMPEY'S CONQUEST OF THE EAST 123

JJucullus's Library

His furnishing a library, however, deserves praise and
record, for he collected very many and choice manuscripts;
and the use they were put to was even more magnificent
than the purchase, the library being always open, and the
walks and reading rooms about it free to all Greeks, whose
delight it was to leave their other occupations and hasten
thither as to the habitation of the Muses, there walking
about, and diverting one another. He himself often passed
his hours there, disputing with the learned in the walks,
and giving his advice to statesmen who required it, inso-
much that his house was altogether a home, and in a man-
ner a Greek prytaneum for those that visited Borne. He
was fond of all sorts of philosophy, and was well read and
expert in them all. But he always from the first specially
favored and valued the Academy ; not the New one, which
at that time under Philo flourished with the precepts of
Carneades, but the Old one, then sustained and represented
by Antiochus of Ascalon, a learned and eloquent man. Lu-
cullus with great labor made him his friend and companion,
and set him up against Philo's auditors, among whom Cicero
was one, who wrote an admirable treatise in defense of his
sect, in which he puts the argument in favor of comprehen-
sion 1 in the mouth of Lucullus, and the opposite argument
in his own.

45. POMPEY'S COK-QTJEST OF THE EAST
Appian, "Mithridatic Wars," 114-119. White's Translation

Pompey is usually overshadowed ID most histories by his greater
rival, Caesar, "but he won marked successes along certain lines. The
greatest thing that he did was to consolidate and organize the
Eoman power in Asia Minor, Syria, and Palestine. How impor-

1 Or rather the book might he defined as " Apprehension " as opposed
to mere sensation or impression.

124 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

taut this work was, and how magnificent was the triumph that
Pornpey celebrate in Rome (September 30th, 61 B.C.) is told by
Appian. Incidentally a good idea is given of a typical Roman
triumph.

Pompey having cleaned out the robber dens, and. pros-
trated the greatest king living [Mithridates] in one and
the same war; and having fought successful battles, besides
those of the Pontic war, with Colchians, Albanians, Iberi-
ans, Armenians, Medes, Arabs, Jews, and other Eastern
nations, extended the Roman sway as far as Egypt. He
let some of the subjugated nations go free, and made them
allies. Others he placed at once under Roman rule ; still
others he distributed to [various vassal-] kings.

He founded cities also: in Lesser Armenia Nicopolis,
named for his victory, in Pontus Eupatoria, which Mithri-
dates Eupator had built and named after himself, but de-
stroyed because it had received the Romans. Pompey
rebuilt it, and named it Magnopolis. In Cappadocia he
rebuilt Mazaca, which had been completely ruined by the
war. He restored other towns in many places, that had
been destroyed or damaged, in Pontus, Palestine, Coele-
Syria, and Cilicia, in which he settled the greater part of
the pirates [he had conquered], and where the city for-
merly called Soli is now known as Pompeiopolis. The city
of Talauri [in Pontus] Mithridates had used as a store-
house of furniture. Here were found 2000 drinking cups,
made of onyx welded with gold, and many cups, wine
coolers, and drinking horns, bridles for horses, etc. ... all
ornamented in like manner with gold and precious stones.
The quantity of this store was so great that the inventory
of it occupied thirty days. These things had been inherited
from Darius [the Great of Persia and other mighty rulers].

At the end of the winter [63-62 B.C.] Pompey distributed
rewards to the army, 1500 Attic drachmas [about $270]
to each soldier, and in like proportion to the officers, the

61 B.C.] POMPEY'S CONQUEST OF THE EAST 125

whole, it was said, amounting to 16,000 talents [considerably
over $ 16,000,000]. Then he marched to Ephesus, embarked
for Italy, and hastened to Rome, having dismissed his sol-
diers at Brundisium to their homes, by which act his popu-
larity was greatly increased among the Eomans.

His Oreat Triumph at Rome

As he approached the city he was met by successive pro-
cessions, first of youths, farthest from the city ; then bands
of men. of different ages came out as far as they severally
could walk ; last of all came the Senate, which was lost in
wonder at his exploits, for no one had ever before vanquished
so powerful an enemy and at the same time brought so many
great nations under subjection and extended the Roman rule
to the Euphrates.

He was awarded a triumph exceeding in brilliancy any
that had gone before. It occupied two successive days;
and many nations were represented in the procession from
Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, all the peoples of
Syria, besides Albanians, Heniochi, Achaeans, Scythians,
and Eastern Iberians; 700 complete ships were brought
into the harbor; 1 in the triumphal procession were two-
horse carriages and litters laden with gold or with other
ornaments of various kinds, also the couch of Darius, the
son of Hystaspes, the throne and scepter of Mithridates
Eupator himself, and his image, eight cubits high, made of
solid gold, and 75,000;000 drachmae of silver coin [about
$13,500,000.] The number of wagons carrying arms was
infinite and the number of prows of ships. After these
came the multitude of captives and pirates, none of them
bound, but all arrayed in their native costume.

Before Pompey himself were led the satraps, sons and
generals of the kings against whom he had fought, who were

i Probably of Ostia.

126 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

present some having been captured, some given as hostages
to the number of 324. Among them were [five sons of
Mithridates, and two daughters ; also Aristobulus, king of the
Jews ; the tyrants of the Cilicians, and other potentates].

There were carried in the procession images of those who
were not present, of Tigranes [king of Armenia] and of
Mithridates, representing them as fighting, as vanquished, and
as fleeing. Even the besieging of Mithridates and his silent
flight by night were represented. Finally, it was shown
how he died, and the daughters who perished with him
were pictured also, and there were figures of the sons and
daughters who died before him, and images of the barbarian
gods decked out in the fashion of their countries. A tablet
was borne, also, inscribed thus :

SHIPS WITH BRAZEN BEAKS CAPTURED DCCC :

CITIES FOUNDED IN CAPPADOCIA VIII :

IN CILICIA AND CGELE-SYRIA XXI

IN PALESTINE THE ONE NOW CALLED SELEUCIS.

KINGS CONQUERED:
TIGRANES THE ARMENIAN I ARTOCES THE

IBERIAN : ORCEZES THE ALBANIAN :

ARETAS THE NABATJEAN : DARIUS
THE MEDE: ANTIOCHUS OF COMMAGENE.

Pompey himself was borne in a chariot studded with gems,
wearing, it is said, the cloak of Alexander the Great, if any
one can believe that. This was supposed to have been found
among the possessions of Mithridates. , . . His chariot was
followed by the officers who had shared the campaigns with
him, some on horseback, and others on foot. When he
reached the Capitol, he did not put any prisoners to death, as

82 B.C.] WEALTH AND HABITS OF CRASSUS 127

had been customary at other triumphs, but sent them all home
at the public expense, except the kings. 1 Of these Aristo-
bulus alone was shortly put to death, and Tigranes [son of
the king of Armenia] some time later.
Such was Pompey's triumph !

46. THE WEALTH AND HABITS OF CEASSUS THE
MILLIONAIRE

Plutarch, " Life of Crassus," chaps.

Marcus Liciuius Crassus, the third member of the "First
Triumvirate," along with Pompey and Csesar, was a soldier
of moderate capacity, and a somewhat abler politician. But his
chief power and distinction came through his wealth. He had
probably the largest private fortune made in Eome under the
Republic ; though under the Empire it seems in several instances
to have been surpassed. Some of the means whereby he grew rich
are here stated.

People were wont to say that the many virtues of Crassus
were darkened by the one vice of avarice, and indeed he
seemed to have no other but that ; fofcit, being the most
predominant, obscured others to whjpihe was inclined.
The arguments in proof of his avarice' were the vastness of
his estate, and the manner of raising it ; for whereas at first
he was not worth above three hundred talents [$300,000],
yet, though in the course of his political life he dedicated
the tenth of all he had to Hercules, and feasted the people,
and gave to every citizen corn enough to serve him three
months, upon casting up his accounts, before he went upon
his Parthian expedition, he found his possessions to amount
to seven thousand one hundred talents [$7,100,000] ; most
of which, if we may scandal him with a truth, he got by fire
and rapine, making his advantage of the public calamities.
Por.when' Sulla seized the city, and exposed to sale the
i-Most unusual though highly politic clemency.

128 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

goods of those that he had caused to be slain, accounting
them booty and spoils, and, indeed, calling them so too,
and was desirous of making as many, and as eminent men
as he could, partakers in the crime, Crassus never was the
man that refused to accept, or give money for them.

Moreover, observing how extremely subject the city was
to fire, and to the falling down of houses, by reason of their
height and their standing so near together, he bought slaves
that were builders and architects, and when he had collected
these to the number of more than five hundred, he made it
his practice to buy houses that were on fire, and those in
the neighborhood which, in the immediate danger and un-
certainty, the proprietors were willing to part with for little
or nothing ; so that the greatest part of Rome, at one time
or other, came into his hands.

Yet for all he had so many workmen, he never built any-
thing but his own house, and used to say that those that
were addicted to building would undo themselves soon
enough without the help of other enemies. And though he
had many silver mines, and much valuable land, and
laborers to work in it, yet att this was nothing in com-
parison to his slaves, such a number and variety did he
possess of excellent readers, amanuenses, silversmiths,
stewards, and table waiters, whose instruction he always
attended to himself, superintending in person while they
learned, and teaching them himself, as counting it the
main duty of a master to look over the servants, that are,
indeed, the living tools of housekeeping. But it was surely
a mistaken judgment, when he said "no man was to be
accounted rich tha,t could not maintain an army at his own
cost and charges, for war" ....

Crassus, however, was very eager to be hospitable to
strangers ; he kept open house, and to his friends he would
lend money without interest, but called it in precisely at
the time; so that his kindness was often thought worse

64 B.C.] CICERO AS A CANDIDATE 129

than the paying the interest would have been. His enter-
tainments were, for the most part, plain and citizenlike,
the company general and popular ; good taste and kindness
made them pleasanter than suinptuosity wonld have done.

As for learning, he chiefly cared for rhetoric, and what
would be serviceable with large numbers ; he became one of
the best speakers at Rome, and by his pains and industry
outdid the best natural orators. For there was no trial
how mean and contemptible soever that he came to un-
prepared ; nay, several times he undertook and concluded a
cause, when Pornpey and Caesar and Cicero refused to stand
up, upon which account particularly he got the love of the
people, who looked upon him as a diligent and careful
man, ready to help succor his fellow citizens. Besides,
the people were pleased with his courteous and unpretend-
ing salutations and greetings ; for he never met any citizen
however humble and low, but he returned him his salute by
name. He was also looked upon as a man well read in
history, and pretty well versed in Aristotle's philosophy.

47- QUINTUS CICERO'S ADVICE TO HIS BROTHER WHEIT
CANDIDATE FOR THE CONSULSHIP

Cicero, " Letters," Vol. I (Appendix, pp. 367 ff.)- Shuckburgh's
Translation

In 63 B.C. Marcus Cicero, the great orator, was consul, having
been elected after a very lively canvass. What a candidate had
to do while he paraded the Forum seeking for votes during the
days before the electoral comitia, is told in a lively manner in
. this tract, which is ascribed to Quintus Cicero, 1 the brother of the
famous advocate. It is impossible to quote more than a part.
The second selection is a letter from Marcus Cicero to his brother,
which tells its own story as to the illicit use of money in a Roman
election.

i Some doubts have been cast upon the authorship of this essay, but it
is undoubtedly true to conditions at Koine.

130 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

Almost every day as you go down to the Foruin yon
must say to yourself, "I am a novus homo" [i.e. without
noble ancestry]. "I am a candidate for the consulship."
" This is Rome. " Tor the " newness " of your name you will
best compensate by the brilliance of your oratory This
has ever carried with it great political distinction. A man
who is held worthy of defending ex-consuls, cannot be
deemed unworthy of the consulship itself. Wherefore
approach each individual case with the persuasion that on
it depends as a whole your entire reputation. See that all
those aids to natural ability, which I know are your special
gifts are ready for use . . . and finally take care that both
the number and rank of your friends are unmistakable.
For you have, as few nom homines 1 have had/ all the tax-
syndicate promoters, nearly the whole equestrian order,
and many municipal towns, especially devoted to you,
many people who have been defended by you, many trade
guilds, and beside these a large number of the rising
generation, who have become attached to you jn their
enthusiasm for public speaking, and who visit you daily
in swarms, and with such constant regularity I

See that you retain these advantages by reminding these
persons, by appealing to them, and by using every means
to make them understand that this, and this only, is
the time for those who are in your debt now, to show
their gratitude, 2 and for those who wish for your services
in the future, to place you under an obligation. It also
seems possible that a "new man" may be much aided by
the fact that he has the good wishes of men of high rank,
and especially of ex-consuls. It is a point in your favor
that you should be thought worthy of this position and

!Men, like Cicero, who had no ancestors who had held the upper
(" curule ") offices.

2 Theoretically Roman advocates did not receive regular fees, hut
enjoyed the often substantial "gratitude" of their clients.

64 B.C.] CICERO AS A CANDIDATE 131

rank by the very men to whose position you are wishing
to attain.

All these men must be canvassed with care, agents must
be sent to them, and they must be convinced that we have
always been at one with the Optiniates (Aristocratic Party),
that we have never been dangerous demagogues in the very
least ; that if we seem ever to have said anything in the
spirit of the other party, we did it with a view of attracting
Pompey, that we might have that man of the greatest in-
fluence either actively on our side of the canvass, or at least
neutral. 1 Also take pains to get on your side the young men
of high rank, and keep the friendship of those whom you
already have. They will contribute much to your political
position. You have many already: make them feel how
much you think depends on them; if you rouse to zeal
those who are now only lukewarm friends, that will be a
vast gain.

[The writer then goes on to analyze the weak points in
Cicero's leading rivals: their vile characters, their numerous
personal crimes, their blunders as officials, etc., all of
which facts Cicero must take advantage. 2 He must also
try to make " friends " of every kind of citizen.] " Who-
soever gives any sign of inclination to you, or regularly
visits your house, you must put down in the category of
friends. But yet the most advantageous thing is to be
beloved and pleasant in the eyes of those who are friends
on the more regular grounds of relationship by blood or
marriage, the membership in the same club, or some close
tie or other. You must take great pains that [these men]
should love you and desire your highest honor as, for ex-
ample, your tribesmen, neighbors, clients, and finally your

1 Cicero's brother evidently fears he may be suspected of party irregu-
larityof having favored the rival Populares (Catiline's party).

2 Politics in Cicero's day seem to have been on a fearfully scurrilous
and personal basis*

132 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

freedmen, yes even your slaves : for nearly all the gossip
that forms public opinion emanates from your own servants'
quarters.

In a word, you must secure friends of every class, magis*
trates, consuls and their tribunes to win you the vote of the
centuries [that elect the consuls]: men of wide popular
influence. Those who either have gained or hope to gain the
vote to a tribe or a century, or any other advantage, through
your influence [for them], take all pains to collect and to
secure.

[Cicero must not be squeamish about making friends ; he
can " without loss of dignity " affect familiarity with about
any one and must by all means do so.] . . .

So you see that you will have the votes of all the centu-
ries secured for you by the number and variety of your
friends. The first and obvious thing is that you embrace
the Roman senators and equites, and the active and popular
men of all the other orders. There are many city men of
good business habits, there are many freedmen engaged
in the Foruin who are popular and energetic : these men try
with all your might, both personally and by common
friends, to make eager in your behalf. Seek them, out, send
agents to them, show them that they are putting you under
the greatest possible* obligation. After that, review the
entire city, all guilds, districts, neighborhoods. If you can
attach to yourself the leading men in these, you will by
their means easily keep a hold upon the multitude.

When you have done that, take care to have in your
mind a chart of all Italy laid out according to the tribes in
each town, and learn it by heart, so that you may not allow
any chartered town, colony, prefecture, in a word, any spot
in Italy to exist, in which you have not a firm foothold.
Trace out also individuals in every region, inform yourself
about them, seek them out, secure that in their own dis-
tricts they shall canvass for you, and be, as it were, candi-

64 B.C.] CICERO AS A CANDIDATE 133

dates in your interest. Men in country towns think them-
selves in the position of friends if we of the city know
them by name ; if, however, they think they are besides
getting some protection [by your legal talent] for them-
selves, they will not miss the chance of proving obliging.

[After having thus worked for the "rural vote "], the
centuries of the equites too seem capable of being won over
if you are careful. And you should be strenuous in seeing
as many people as possible every day of every possible
class and order, for from the mere numbers of these [who
greet you] you can make a guess of the amount of support
you will get on the balloting. Your visitors are of three
kinds: one consists of morning callers who come to your
house, a second of those who escort you to the Forum, the
third of those who attend you [constantly] on your can.-
vass. In the case of the mere morning callers, who are less
select, and according to present-day fashion, are decidedly
numerous, you must contrive to think that you value even
this slight attention [of a call] very highly. It often hap-
pens that people when they visit a number of candidates,
and observe the one that pays special heed to their atten-
tions, leave off: visiting the others, and little by little
become real supporters of this man.

Secondly, to those who escort you to the Forum : Since
this is a much greater attention than a mere morning
call, indicate clearly that they are still more gratifying to
you; and [with them], as far as it shall lie in your power,
go down to the Forum at fixed times, for the daily escort
[of a candidate] by its numbers produces a great impression
and confers great personal distinction.

The third class is that of people who continually attend
you upon your canvass. See that those who do so spon-
taneously understand that you regard yourself as for-
ever obliged by their extreme kindness ; from these on the
other hand, who owe you the attention [for services ren-

134 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

deredj frankly demand that so far as their age and business
allow they should be constantly in attendance, and that
those who are unable to accompany you in person, should
find relatives to substitute in performing this duty. I am
very anxious and think it most important that you should
always be surrounded with numbers. Besides, it confers a
great reputation, and great distinction to be accompanied by
those whom you have defended and saved in the law courts.
Put this demand fairly before them that since by your
means, and without any fee, some have retained prop-
erty, others their honor, or their civil rights, or their entire
fortunes, and since there will never be any other time
when they can show their gratitude, they now should
reward you by this service.

Letter of Cicero illustrating Bribery in Elections at Rome
54 0.

Epistles to Quintus, H, 14. Shuckburgh, I, p. 279.

" There is a fearful recrudescence of bribery. Never was
there anything like it. On the 15th of July the rate of
interest rose from four to eight per cent, 1 owing to the com-
pact made by Memmius with the consul Domitius. I am
not exaggerating. They offer as much as 10,000,000 ses-
terces [about $400,000] for the vote of the first century [in
the consular elections]. The matter is a burning scandal.
The candidates for the tribuneship have made a mutual
compact; having deposited 500,000 sesterces [about $20,000]
apiece with Cato, they agree to conduct their canvass accord-
ing to his directions, with the understanding that any one
offending against it will be condemned to forfeit by him. 3

1 All the available money on loan had been cornered to carry out a cor-
rupt election bargain.

2 Cato the Younger was famed for his personal probity. This mutual
compact of the candidates for tribune was to insure a "clean canvass,"
With Cato acting as referee of the conduct of the candidates.

63 B.C.] CONDITIONS IN ROME 135

If this election [for tribunes] then turns out to be pure,
Cato will have been of more avail than all the laws and
jurors put together."

48. CONDITIONS IN ROME WHILE CATILTNE WAS PLOTTING

Sallust, " Conspiracy of Catiline," chaps. 11-16. Bohn Translation

Catiline's anarchistic conspiracy of 63 B.C. was, of course, only
possible in a society in which there were a great number of depraved
and desperate men, ready for any enterprise, however villainous.
For such spirits Catiline was an ideal leader. In this quotation
from Sallust we see how it became possible for him to find a large
following, and what manner of man he was personally.

After Sulla had recovered the government by force of
arms, everybody became robbers and plunderers. Some set
their hearts on houses, some on lands. His victorious
troops knew no restraint, no moderation, but inflicted on the
citizens disgraceful and inhumane outrages. [The whole
period was one of debauched tastes and lawlessness.]

When wealth, was once counted an honor, and glory,
authority, and power attended it, virtue lost her influence,
poverty was thought a disgrace, and a life of innocence was
regarded as a life of mere ill nature. From the influence of
riches, accordingly, luxury, avarice, pride came to prevail
among the youth. They grew at once rapacious and prodi-
gal. They undervalued what was their own; they set at
nought modesty and continence; they lost all distinction
between sacred and profane, and threw off all consideration
and self-restraint.

The Spread of Evil Luxuries

It is a serious matter for reflection, after viewing our
modern [town] mansions and villas, extended to the veri-
table size of cities, to contemplate the temples which our
ancestors, a most devout race of men, erected to the gods.

136 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

But our forefathers adorned the fanes of the deities with
devotion, and their homes with their own glory, and took
nothing from what they conquered but the power of doing
harm ; their descendants on the contrary have even wrested
from their allies, with rank injustice, whatever their brave
and victorious ancestors had left to their vanquished ene-
mies, as if the only use of power was to inflict injury.

Why should I mention these displays of extraordinary
luxury [which now set in], which can be believed only
by those who have seen them ; as, for example, how moun-
tains have been leveled, and seas actually built over with
edifices by many a private citizen, men whom I deem to
have made a sport of their wealth, since they were impa-
tient to squander disreputably what they might have en-
joyed with honor.

How Luxury promoted Bad Morals

But the love of irregular gratification, open debauchery,
and all kinds of luxury had spread abroad with no less force.
Men and women alike threw off all restraints of modesty.
To gratify appetite they sought for every kind of produc-
tion by land or sea. They slept before there was any [nat-
ural] inclination to sleep. They no longer waited to feel
hunger, thirst, or fatigue, but anticipated them all by luxu-
rious indulgence. Such propensities drove young men, when
their patrimonies were run through, to criminal practices ;
for their minds, impregnated with evil habits, could not
easily abstain from gratifying their passions, and were thus
the more inordinately devoted in every way to rapacity and
extravagance.

OJiaracter and Career of Catiline

In so populous and corrupt a city [as Rome] Catiline
easily kept about him, as a bodyguard, crowds of the law-
less and desperate. All the shameless libertines and profli-

63 B.C.] CONDITIONS IN ROME 13?

gate rascals were his associates and intimate friends, the
men who had squandered their paternal estates by gaming,
luxury, sensuality, and all too who had plunged heavily into
debt to buy immunity for crimes ; all assassins or sacrile-
gious persons from every quarter, convicted, or dreading
conviction for their misdeeds; all, likewise, for whom their
tongue or hand won a livelihood by perjury or bloodshed ;
all, in short, whom wickedness, poverty, or a guilty con-
science goaded [were friends to Catiline].

If any man of character as yet unblemished fell into his
society, he presently rendered him by daily intercourse and
temptation like to and equal to the rest. But it was the
young whose acquaintance he chiefly courted [and easily
ensnared]. For as the passions of each, according to his
years, were aroused, he furnished mistresses to some, bought
horses and dogs for others, and spared, in a word, neither
his purse nor his character, if he could make them his
devoted and trustworthy supporters.

[Catiline was alleged to have corrupted a Vestal Virgin,
and wrought many vile crimes ; at last, smitten with a pas-
sion, for a certain Aurelia, he murdered his own grown-up
son, because she objected to marrying him and having in
the house a grown-up stepson.] And this crime seems to
me to have been the chief cause of hurrying forward his
conspiracy. For his guilty mind, at peace neither with
gods nor men, found no comfort either waking or sleeping,
so utterly did conscience desolate his tortured spirit. His
complexion, in consequence, was pale, his eyes haggard, his
walk sometimes quick and sometimes slow, and distraction
was plainly evident in every feature and look.

The young men [his boon companions] ... he enticed

by various methods into evil practices. From among them

he furnished false witnesses and forgers of signatures j 1 and

he taught them all to regard with equal unconcern property

1 To any rascal who needed such assistance.

138 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

and danger. At length when he had stripped them of all
character and shame he led them to other and greater
iniquities. When there was no ready motive for crime, he
nevertheless stirred them tip ,to murder quite inoffensive
persons, just as if they had injured him, lest their hand or
heart should grow torpid for want of employment.

Trusting to such confederates and comrades, and knowing
that the load of debt was everywhere great, and that the
veterans of Sulla, having spent their [bounty] money too
freely, now were longing for a civil war, remembering their
spoils and former victory, Catiline accordingly formed the
design of overthrowing the government.

49. THE EARLY CAREER OF JULIUS CAESAR

Suetonius, " Life of Julius Caesar," I-XTX. Bohn Translation

Caesar was born in 100 B.C. The story of his boyhood and
young manhood is known to us mainly through the biography here
quoted, and through a similar biography by Plutarch. On the
whole, Suetonius seems to be the better informed. It is needless
to comment on the value of every authentic incident illustrating
the education and character of the man who was, on the whole,
the greatest personage produced by the Grseco-Eoman world.

Julius Csesar the " Divine" 1 lost his father when he was
in the sixteenth year of his age, and the next year, when
he was named as Flamen Dialis [high priest of Jupiter], he
repudiated Cossutia, who was very wealthy though her
family was only of the equestrian order and to whoir he
had been betrothed when he was a mere boy. He then
wedded Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna, [the famous Cinna]
who was four times Consul, and by her he shortly afterwards
had a daughter named Julia. He resisted the efforts of the
dictator Sulla to get him to divorce Cornelia, and suffered
the penalty of being stripped of his priestly office, his wife's
i He was enrolled among the gods after his death.

68 B.C.] EARLY CAREER OF JULIUS CJESAR 139

dowry, and Ms own patrimonial estates. Since lie was iden-
tified with the adverse [anti-Sullan] faction, he was com-
pelled to leave Rome.

At last he got a pardon through the good offices of the
Vestal Virgins and of Mamercus JSmilius and Amelias
Gotta, his near kinsmen. We are assured that when Sulla,
having withstood for a while the entreaties of his own
best friends, men of high rank, at last gave way to their
importunity [in Csesar's behalf], he exclaimed, whether
by divine impulse or shrewd conjecture,

" Your suit is granted, and you can take him among you ;
but know," he added, " that this man for whose safety you
are so very anxious, will some day or other, be the ruin of
the party of the nobility, in defense whereof you have
leagued with me ! for in this one Ooesar you will find many
Mariuses." [For a while he served in Bithynia and Cilicia
on governmental and military service. While on his way
to Rhodes to study rhetoric] he was taken prisoner by
pirates near the isle of Pharmacusa [near Miletus], and
detained by them to his great wrath for nearly forty
days, his only attendants being a physician and two body
servants. For he had at once sent his other servants and
traveling companions to raise his ransom money. Fifty
talents [$50,000] were paid, and he was landed on the
coast. Whereupon he collected some ships and promptly
put to sea after the pirates, captured them, and inflicted on
them the punishment that he had so often threatened them
[as] in jest. 1

His First Public Offices

During his qusestorship [at Rome] he pronounced funeral

orations from the rostra, according to custom, in praise of

his aunt Julia and his wife, Cornelia. In the panegyric

upon his aunt he gives the following account of her own

1 Crucifixion.

140 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

and his father's genealogy on both sides : " My aunt Julia
derived her descent by her mother from a race of kings ;
and by her father from the Immortal Gods. For the Marcii
Reges, her mother's family, deduce their pedigree from
Ancus Marcius, and the Julii, her father's, from Venus ; of
which stock we are a branch. We therefore unite in our
descent the sacred majesty of kings, the chiefest among
men, and the divine majesty of gods, to whom kings them-
selves are subject."

[While he was serving in Spain as proquaestor] at Gades,
on seeing a statue of Alexander the Great in the temple of
Hercules he sighed deeply, as if weary of his sluggish life
as having wrought nothing memorable at an age at which
Alexander had already conquered the world. 1 . . .

While he was M&ile at Rome he not only embellished the
comitium and the rest of the Forum and the adjoining basili-
cas, but adorned the Capitol also with temporary piazzas
built in order to display for the popular amusement, a part of
his vast collections. 2 He entertained the people both by him-
self and along with his colleagues with wild beast hunts,
and with games. On this account he obtained the whole
credit of the expense to which they had jointly contributed,
insomuch that his colleague, Marcus Bibulus, could not
forbear remarking that he was treated in the manner of Pol-
lux. For as the temple erected in the Forum to the " Two
Brothers" went by the name of Castor alone, so his and
Caesar's joint munificence was imputed to the latter only.

How he acted as Prcetor

[He next was elected praetor, and he now boldly attacked
the noble party and was nearly murdered for his alleged
sympathies with Catiline. He was fairly embarked among

1 Alexander died at only thirty- three.

2 Probably of Greek paintings, statues, etc.

EARLY CAREER OF JULIUS OESAR 141

the anti-aristocrats and while in this office] he proved him-
self a most resolute supporter of Ceecilius Metellus, tribune
of the Plebs, who, despite all opposition from his col-
leagues, had proposed some laws of "violent tendency," 1
until they both [Metellus and Caesar] were dismissed from
offi.ce by a vote of the Senate. 2 Csesar ventured, however, to
retain his post and continue in the administration of justice
[as praetor]: but finding that preparations were being made
to obstruct him by force of arms, he dismissed the lictors,
threw off his [magistrate's] robe, and betook himself pri-
vately to his own house, with the resolution to be quiet in a
time so unfavorable to his interests. He likewise pacified
the mob which two days afterward flocked about him, and
in a riotous manner made a voluntary tender of their assist-
ance in the vindication of his honor. This all happening
contrary to expectation, the Senate, meeting in haste on ac-
count of the tumult, gave him its thanks through some
leading members of the house, and sending for him, after
highly commending his conduct, canceled its former vote,
and restored him to his office.

How he was refused a Triumph

At the expiration of his praetorship he obtained by lot
the province of Farther Spain, and pacified his creditors,
who were detaining him, by finding sureties for his debts. 3
Contrary to both law and custom, he took his departure be-
fore the usual equipage and outfit [for a governor] were
provided. It is uncertain whether this haste rose from the
fear of an impeachment, with which he was threatened at

1 Among others to recall Pompey from his command in Asia.

2 Probably a very illegal act for the Senate.

8 According to Plutarch, the great millionaire Crassus went surety for
him. His debts were so great that he is alleged to have declared he was
" needing 25,000,000 ses. [$1,000,000] to be worth nothing at all." (Ap-
pian's Civil War, book II, chap. 2.) Practically all Roman politicians of
the day were terribly in debt.

142 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

the expiration of his former office, or his anxiety to lose no
time in relieving the [Roman] allies, who implored him to
come to their aid. He had no sooner established tranquillity
in the province than, without waiting for the arrival of a
successor, he returned to Rome, with equal haste, to sue
for a triumph 1 and the consulship. The day of election,
however, being already fixed by proclamation, he could not
be legally admitted as a candidate, unless he entered the
city as a private person. 2 In this emergency he asked a
suspension in his favor of the law [governing the case] :
but such an indulgence was strongly opposed and he
found himself forced to abandon all thoughts of a triumph,
lest he be disappointed in the consulship.

[He therefore made the alliance with Pompey and Crassus,
known as the " First Triumvirate," as consul passed many laws
displeasing to the aristocracy, and got himself appointed proconsul
of Gaul, with a powerful army.]

iHe had won some considerable victories over the tribes in western
Spain.

2 And so gave up his generalship and claim to a triumph.

CHAPTER V
THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

The Empire was inevitable unless Republican Rome was capable
of reforming herself, or the Roman power should cease to live. It
was, however, beyond the ability of any statesman to make the
Republic able to grapple with the responsibilities of a great
imperial system ; and Julius Csesar neither could nor would
perpetuate the old conditions of chaos and misrule. If he had
been allowed to round out a normal span of life and execute his
complete policy, there is little doubt that we would have found the
world under a highly articulated centralized monarchy. His assas-
sination taught his cautious successor, Octavian (or, to use his later
title, Augustus), that while monarchy was unavoidable, it must be
monarchy so disguised and hedged in by ostentatious safeguards
as not to trample very wantonly on Roman public opinion. The
result was the device of the " Principate " the leadership of the
state by a " First Citizen " ; and the bestowal of abundant honor
and apparent responsibility upon the Senate, which was to share
the administration with the Princeps, i.e. the establishment of
that dual sway of the Empire, which modern scholars call the
Dyarchy.

It took three centuries for the system of Augustus to break
down, when it was at length replaced by the unveiled despotism
of Diocletian ; although within less than a century after Augustus's
death, with the reign of Domitian (died 96 A.D.), the pretenses of
the Principate had almost ceased to impose upon any thinking man.
Taken in their entirety, considering the multitude of human beings
their actions affected, considering how many of their institutions
remained even after Diocletian, and how many of the things which
began with the Empire actually affect the life and thought of
to-day, it is fair to assert that Julius Csesar and Augustus were
among the most influential personages in all secular history. Nor

143

144 THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

can their part in the founding of Christianity be ignored. With-
out a Roman Empire, with its removal of national boundaries, and
with its law, peace, relative good government, Grseco-Latin civili-
zation and speech, and similar unifying influences, it is hard to see
how Christianity could ever have developed into a world religion.
Imagine St. Paul compelled to carry abroad his "Gospel to the
Gentiles," when every mountain valley or island had been held by
a jealous king or oligarchy, excluding all strangers and foreign
ideas ; and zealously suppressing as treason any trifling divergence
from the cultus of the local gods ! The persecution the Christians
presently endured from the Roman government was a mere drop
in the bucket compared with such a disadvantage.

To Julius Caesar it was given to be an unflinching destroyer of insti-
tutions which had long "been worthy of destruction ; to Augustus to be
one of the most significantly constructive statesmen in universal his-
tory. Fortunately our literary records for both of them are fairly
complete. Julius Caesar was often his own literary advocate ; Au-
gustus has left us an autobiographal statement in a stately inscrip-
tion while Suetonius, Plutarch, Appian, and others each contribute
part of the story. Once more the difficulty is to select that which
is best told by the ancient writers themselves, and to omit what is
as well told by the pens of moderns.

50. CJESAR'S ACCOUNT OF HOW HE WAS FORCED TO TAKE
UP ARMS

Caesar, " Civil War," book I, chaps. 1-6. Bonn Translation

Whether Caesar or his enemies were to blame when (in Janu-
ary, 49 B.C.) he " crossed the Rubicon," is still debated. In the
main, opinion is on Caesar's side, holding: (1) that his enemies
tried to force him to quit his province before the time permitted
by law ; (2) that if he had come back to Home as an unarmed
man, as they intended, his life would have been in imminent danger.
Trusting foolishly for their military support to Pompey, who
now had deserted his one-time ally, Caesar, the great nobles
precipitated the civil war which Csesar seems to have tried hard
to prevent. His own story of the matter will have perennial
interest.

49 B.C.] OESAR DRIVEN TO WAR 145

When Caesar's letter [with conciliatory proposals] was
delivered to the consuls, it was with great difficulty, and a
hard struggle by the tribunes [on Caesar's side], that they
were prevailed upon to suffer it to be read in the Senate ;
the tribunes, however, could not prevail that any question
should be put to the Senate on the subject of the letter.
The consuls put the question on "The Regulation of the
State." Lucius Lentulus [one of them] promised that " he
would not fail the Senate and the Republic if they declared
their sentiments resolutely and boldly, but if they turned
their regard to Caesar and courted his favor, as formerly, he
would strike out on his own plan, and not truckle to the
authority of the Senate ; and [added] that he had a way of
again getting Caesar's favor and friendship." Scipio
talked in the same strain, that " it was Pompey's intention
not to abandon the Republic if the Senate would support
him ; but if they should hesitate and act without energy,
they would in vain implore his aid, if ever they should
need it later."

How the Moderates in the Senate were Silenced

This speech of Scipio' s as the Senate was convened
inside the city, and Pornpey was near at hand seemed to
fall from Pompey's own lips. 1 Some spoke with a certain
moderation, as Marcellus first, who said at the outset that
"the question ought not thus to be put before the Senate
until levies had been made through Italy, and armies raised
tinder whose protection the Senate might freely and safely
vote what resolutions seemed proper" ; [and two other Sen-
ators spoke in like vein]. They were all harshly rebuked
by Lentulus, who peremptorily refused to put their motions.
Marcellus, overawed by his reproofs, retracted his opinion.
Thus most of the Senate, intimidated by the expressions of
the consul, by the fears of an army close at hand, and the

i This Metellus Scipio was the father-in-law of Pompey.

146 THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

threats of Pompey's friends, unwillingly and reluctantly
adopted Scipio's opinion, that Caesar should disband his
army by a certain day, and should he not do so, he should
be considered as a public enemy. Marcus Antonius and
Quintus Cassius, tribunes of the people, here announced
their vetoes. At once the question was raised as to the
validity of their vetoes. Violent opinions were uttered.
Whoever spoke with the greatest bitterness and cruelty
was most loudly applauded by Caesar's enemies.

The Senate having broken up in the evening, all who be-
longed to that body were summoned by Pompey. He com-
mended the bold talkers and secured their votes for the next
day; the more moderate he reproved and excited against
Caesar. Many veterans from all parts, who had served in
Pompey's armies, were invited to his standard by the hopes
of rewards and promotions. Several officers of the two
legions that had been delivered up by Caesar [to Pompey]
were sent for. The city and assembly place were crowded
with tribunes, centurions, and veterans. All the consul's
friends, all Pompey's connections, all those who bore any
old grudge against Caesar, were forced into the Senate House.
By their concourse and asseverations the timid were awed,
the irresolute confirmed, and the actual majority deprived of
the power to speak their minds freely.

The Violent Party Prevails

Lucius Piso, the censor, offered to go to Caesar, and so did
Lucius Eoscius, the praetor, to tell him of how matters stood,
and they asked only six days to dispatch their business.
Also some opinions were expressed that commissioners
should be sent to Caesar to acquaint him with the Senate's
pleasure; [but] all these proposals were rejected, and all
were opposed in the harangues of the consul [Lentulus],
Scipio, and Cato.

49 B.C.] OESAR DRIVEN TO WAR 147

An old enmity against Caesar and chagrin at a [former]
defeat goaded on Cato. Lentulus was spurred by the magni-
tude of his debts, and the hopes of having the government
of an army and provinces, and by the presents which he ex-
pected from such princes as should get the title of " Friends
of the Roman People." He boasted among his friends that,
" He would be a second Sulla, and to him the supreme power
would return." Like hopes of a province and armies which
he expected to share with Pompey on account of his [mar-
riage] connection prompted Scipio. Besides that, he had
the fear of being called to trial ; and he was moved too by
the adulation and an ostentatious display of himself and his
friends in power, who at that time had great influence in
the administration and the law courts.

As for Pompey, he was stirred up by Caesar's enemies,
and was also unwilling that any man should be his equal in
public dignity ; consequently, he was now utterly cut off
from Caesar's friendship. He had reconciled himself with
their common enemies, though most of these enemies he
had himself brought upon Caesar, while the latter was his
ally. Then, too, he was chagrined at the disgrace he had
incurred by converting two legions from their expedition
through Asia and Syria to increase his own power. He
was, therefore, anxious for war.

The Votes are passed against Ocesar

Under these circumstances everything was done in a
hasty and disorderly manner, and no time was given to
Caesar's kinsmen to inform, him of what was happening,
nor liberty to the tribunes of the plebs to set forth the peril
they were exposed to, or even to retain the last privilege
which Sulla had left them, of using their vetoes. On the
seventh day [of the new year] they were obliged to think
of their personal safety, something that the most violent

148 THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

plebeian tribunes had not been accustomed to be troubled
about, or to fear being brought to book for their actions
before the eighth month. Recourse was had to that extreme
and final decree of the Senate, though never had it been
resorted to by daring innovators save when the city was in
peril of incendiarism, or public safety was despaired of,
"That the Consuls, Praetors, and Plebeian Tribunes, and
Proconsuls in the City should see to it that the state suffers
no hurt." 1 These decrees were dated the 8th of January,
therefore, in the first five days on which the Senate could
meet, from the day on which Lentulus entered into his
consulate, the two [intervening] days of election excepted,
the severest and most virulent decrees were passed against
Caesar's government, and against those most illustrious
dignitaries the Plebeian Tribunes. The latter at once
made their escape from the city and withdrew to Csesar,
who was then at Ravenna awaiting an answer to his moder-
ate demands, [hoping that] matters could be brought to a
peaceful termination by any act of justice on the part of his
enemies.

During the next days the Senate was convened outside
the city. Pompey repeated the same things which he had
declared through Scipio. He applauded the courage and
firmness of the Senate, acquainted them with his force, and
told them that he had ten legions ready ; besides he was in-
formed and assured that Caesar's soldiers were disaffected,
and he could not persuade them to defend or even to follow
him. [The Senate then voted all kinds of military levies
and money for Pompey. The provinces were distributed
among Caesar's enemies in a most headlong and disorderly
manner.] Levies were made throughout Italy, arms de-
manded and money exacted from the municipal towns, and
violently taken from the temples. . . ,

[When the news came to Csesar he appealed to his army,
iThis "final decree" practicaUy established martial law.

49 B.C.] THE CROSSING OF THE RUBICON 149

especially dwelling on the unprecedented wrongs done the
tribunes, and the troops cried out they would follow him.]

51. THE CROSSING OF THE RUBICON

Suetonius, " Life of Julius Ceesar," chaps. 31-33. Bohn Translation

The famous story of the " crossing of the Rubicon " by Caesar
in January, 49 B.C., has been attacked by modern historians.
They argue that it is unlikely that a man like Caesar would not
have known his own mind when things came to a grave issue. Yet
the story is one the student is fain to believe ; and there seems
nothing improbable in assuming that even Caesar was glad to
weigh the issues for the last time before forcing a civil war.

When the news came [to Ravenna, where Caesar was stay-
ing] that the interposition of the tribunes in his favor had
been utterly rejected, and that they themselves had fled
Rome, he immediately sent forward some cohorts, yet
secretly, to prevent any suspicion of his plan ; and to keep
up appearances, he attended the public games and examined
the model of a fencing school which he proposed building,
then as usual sat down to table with a large company
of friends.

However, after sunset some mules from a near-by mill
were put in his carriage, and he set forward on his journey
as privately as possible, and with an exceedingly scanty
retinue. The lights went out. He lost his way and wan-
dered about a long time till at last, by help of a guide,
whom he discovered towards daybreak, he proceeded on
foot through some narrow paths, and again reached the
road. Coming up with his troops on the banks of the Rubi-
con, which was the frontier of his province, 1 he halted for
a while, and revolving in his mind the importance of the
step he meditated, he turned to those about him, saying:

*A very ancient law forbade any general to cross the BuMcon into
Italy proper with his troops under arms.

150 THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

"Still we can retreat! But once let us pass yon little
bridge, and nought is left but to fight it out with arms ! "

Even as he hesitated this incident occurred. A man of
strikingly noble mien and graceful aspect appeared close at
hand, and played upon a pipe. To hear him not merely
some shepherds, but soldiers too came flocking from their
posts, and amongst them some trumpeters. He snatched a
trumpet from one of them and ran to the river with it ; then
sounding the " Advance ! " with a piercing blast he crossed
to the other side. At this Caesar cried out, "Let us go
where the omens of the Gods and the crimes of our enemies
summon us ! THE DIE is NOW CAST ! "

Accordingly he marched his army over the river ; [then]
he showed them the tribunes of the Plebs, who on being
driven from Rome had come to meet him, and in the
presence of that assembly, called on the troops to pledge
him their fidelity ; tears springing to his eyes [as he spoke]
and his garments rent from his bosom.

[The soldiery showed remarkable enthusiasm in his cause ; the
Pompeian resistance collapsed ; and in a surprisingly short time
Csesar was master of Italy.]

52. CAESAR'S REFORMS WHILE DICTATOR
Suetonius, " Life of Julius Caesar," chaps. 40-44. Bohn Translation

Less than four years passed between the great victory of Caesar
at Pharsalia (48 B.C.) to his murder (44 B.C.). During most of
this time he was busy with wars in Egypt, Asia Minor, Africa,
and Spain, but hi the interval left him for peaceful business he
displayed a marvelous activity in executing every kind of reform.
It is hardly too much to imagine that if he had lived twenty years
longer, he would have changed the whole face of ancient society.

Turning his attention to the regulation of the Eepublic,
he corrected the calendar 1 which had for some time been

iln. this task Csesar was aided by the learned Grseco-Egyptian

45 B.C.] CESAR'S REFORMS WHILE DICTATOR lol

direfully confused through the unwarrantable liberty which
the pontiffs had taken in the matter of intercalation. 1 To
such a height had this abuse proceeded that neither the
festivals designed for the harvest fell in the summer, nor
those for the vintage fell in autumn. He accommodated the
year to the course of the sun, ordaining that in the future
it should consist of 365 days without any intercalary month ;
and that every fourth year an extra day should be inserted.

He filled up the vacancies in the Senate by advancing
divers plebeians to the rank of patricians, and also he
increased the number of praetors, aediles, quaestors, and
lesser magistrates. The method he used in those cases was
to recommend such persons as he had pitched upon, by
notices distributed among the several [Roman] tribes,
thus, "Caesar Dictator to such a tribe [name given], I
recommend to you [the persons are named], that by
the favor of your votes, they may obtain the honors which
they are seeking." He likewise admitted to office the
sons of those who had been proscribed.

The trial of lawsuits he restricted to the two orders
of judges, the equestrian and the senatorial, excluding
the " tribunes of the treasury " 2 who had formerly made
up a third class. The revised census of the people he
ordered to be taken neither in the usual manner or place,
but street by street, "by the leading inhabitants of the
several quarters of the city ; and he reduced the number
of those who received corn at the public cost 8 from 320,000
to 120,000. To prevent any tumults on account of the
census, he ordered that the praetor should every year fill
up by lot the vacancies occasioned by death, from those
who were not enrolled for the corn doles.

1 The old calendar was so unscientific it was necessary to insert arbi-
trarily extra months to make the years of something like equal length.

2 The exact nature of these " tribunes of the treasury " is very
uncertain.

* A prolific source of pauperism and general abuse.

152 THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

After having distributed 80,000 citizens among foreign
colonies, 1 he enacted, to halt the drain on the population^

that no freeman of the city, above the age of twenty or
under forty, who was not in the army, should absent him-
self from Italy for more than three years running ; also no
Senator's son was to go abroad, save in the retinue of some
high officer. As to those who tended flocks and herds [he
required] that no less than one third of their free-born
shepherds should be youths. 2 He bestowed on all phy-
sicians and professors of liberal arts the "freedom of the
city " in order to fix them [at Rome] and induce others to
settle there.

With respect to debts he disappointed the expectation
that was generally entertained, that they would be totally
canceled. He ordered that debtors should satisfy their
creditors according to the value of their estates, at the rate
at which they were purchased before the Civil War began.
However, from the debt was to be deducted everything that
had been paid as interest, either in money or in bonds;
as a result of this about one fourth of the [average] debt
was lost. He dissolved all the guilds save such as were of
ancient foundation. 3 Crimes [under him] were punished
with extreme severity ; and since the rich were more prone
to commit them, because they were [hitherto] liable to
banishment without loss of property, he stripped murderers

as Cicero remarks of their whole estates, and other
offenders of a half.

He was extremely constant and strict in the administra-
tion of justice. He expelled from the Senate such members
as had been convicted of bribery. He dissolved the mar-
riage of a man of praetorian rank who had married a lady

1 Mostly at Corinth and Carthage, which cities he rebuilt.

2 The object was to " keep the young men on the farm," to prevent them
from flocking to Rome.

8 The guilds were probably dangerous centers of political agitation.

45 B.C.] CAESAR'S REFORMS WHILE DICTATOR 153

two days after her divorce from a former husband, although
there was no suspicion of any illicit [previous] connection.
He imposed custom duties on foreign goods. 1 The use of
litters for traveling, of purple robes, and of jewels he
allowed only to persons of a certain age and rank, and on
particular days. He enforced rigid execution of the sump-
tuary laws, placing officers about the markets to seize upon
all meats offered for sale contrary to the rules, and to bring
them to him. Sometimes he actually sent his lictors and
soldiers to carry away such viands as had escaped the
notice of his officers, even when they were upon the table.

His thoughts were now fully employed from day to day
in a great variety of projects, for the beautifying and im-
provement of Rome, as well as for guarding and extending
the bounds of the Empire. [He planned a magnificent
temple of Mars, and also a splendid theater near to the Tar-
peian Rock.] He proposed to reduce the civil law to a rea-
sonable compass, and out of that immense and undigested
mass of statutes to abridge the best and most necessary
parts into a few books ; also to make as large a collection
of books as possible in the Greek and Latin languages, for
the public use the province of providing and putting them
in proper order being assigned to [the noted savant] Marcus
Varro.

Then too he intended to drain the Pontine marshes, to
cut a channel for the discharge of the waters of the Fucine
lake, to form a road from the Upper Sea [Adriatic] through
the ridge of the Apennines, to make a canal through the
Isthmus of Corinth, to drive the Dacians who had over-
run Pontus and Thrace, within their proper limits, and then
to make war upon the Parthians, [marching] through Lesser
Armenia, but not risking a general engagement [with the
Parthians] until he had made some trial of their prowess in

i Probably to discourage outlandish luxuries, rather than to afford
" protection " to home wares.

154 THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

war. But in the midst of all Ms undertakings and projects
lie was carried off by death.

53. THE FUNEBAL OF CJESAR

Appian, " Civil Wars," book H, 143-148. Wliite's Translation

How after the murder of Julius Osesar (15th of March, 44 B.C.)
Marcus Antonius ("Mark Antony"), his friend, and in virtue of
the consulship, chief magistrate, roused the Roman multitude
against the assassins by his famous funeral oration is known
mainly through the incomparable version given by Shakespeare.
The account by Appian which Shakespeare adapted differs in
some particulars from its great imitation. For this reason, as
well as for its inherent historic value, the narrative of Appian
possesses high interest. It is, of course, far less dramatic, but it is
more nearly history.

Caesar's will was now produced and the people ordered
that it be read at once. In it Octavian, his sister's grand-
son, was adopted by Caesar. His gardens were given to the
people as a place of recreation, and to every Roman living
in the city, he gave 75 Attic drachmas [about $13]. The
people too were stirred to anger when they saw the will of
this lover of his country, whom they had before heard
accused of tyranny. Most of all did it seem pitiful to them
that Decimus Brutus, one of the murderers, should have
been named by him for adoption in the second degree ; for
it was usual for the Eomans to name alternate heirs in case
of the failure of the first.

When Piso brought Caesar's body into the Forum a count-
less multitude ran together with arms to guard it, and with
acclamations and magnificent display placed it on the
rostra. Wailing and lamentation were renewed for a long
time ; the armed men clashed their shields. Antony, seeing
how things were going, did not abandon his purpose, but
having been chosen to deliver the funeral oration, as a con-

44 B.C.] THE FUNERAL OF O^SAR 155

sul for a consul, as a friend for a friend, a relative for a
relative (he was akin to Caesar on the mother's side),
resumed his artful design, and spoke thus : l

Antony's Oration

" It is not fitting, fellow citizens, that the funeral oration
of so great a man should be pronounced by me alone, but
rather by his whole country. The decrees which all of us,
in equal admiration for his merit, voted to him while he
was alive Senate and People acting together I will read,
so that I may voice your sentiments rather than merely
mine."

Then he began to read with a severe and gloomy counte-
nance; pronouncing each sentence distinctly, and dwelling
especially on those decrees which declared Csesar to be
"superhuman, sacred and inviolable," and which named
him The Father of his Country, 33 or "The Benefactor," or
" The Chieftain without a Peer." With e^ch decree, Antony
turned his face and his hand towards Caesar's corpse, illus-
trating his discourse by his action, and at each appellation
he added some brief remark full of grief and indignation ;
as, for example, where the decree spoke of Caesar as "The
Father of his Country," he added that this was a testimonial
of his clemency ; and again, where he was made " Sacred
and Inviolable," and that " everybody was to be held sacred
and inviolate who should find refuge in him."

" Nobody," said Antony, " who found refuge in him was
harmed, but he, whom you declared sacred and inviolate was
killed, although he did not extort these honors from you as
a tyrant, and did not even ask them. Most servile are we
if we give such honors to the unworthy who do not ask
for them. But you, faithful citizens, vindicate us from

1 The Komans had fairly good shorthand reporters ; and even if these
were not present, we may imagine Appian followed notes giving substan-
tially what Antonius said.

156 THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

this charge of servility by paying such honors as you no\v
pay to the dead."

Antony resumed his reading, and recited the oaths by
which all were pledged to guard Csesar and Caesar's body
with all their strength, and all were devoted to perdition
who should not avenge him in any conspiracy. Here lifting
up his voice, and extending his hand toward the Capitol, he
exclaimed, "Jupiter, Guardian of this City, and ye other
gods, I stand here ready to avenge him as I have sworn and
vowed, but since those that are of equal rank with me have
considered the decree of amnesty 1 beneficial, I pray that
it may prove so."

A commotion arose among the Senators in consequence of
this exclamation which seemed to have special reference to
them. So Antony quieted them again and recanted, saying,
" To me, fellow citizens, this deed, seems to be not the work
of human beings, but of some evil spirit. It becomes us to
consider the present rather than the past. Let us then con-
duct this sacred one to the abode of the blest, chanting our
wonted hymn of lamentation for him."

Having thus spoken, he gathered up his garments like a
man inspired, girded himself so that he might have free use
of his hands, took his position in front of the bier, as in a
play, bending down to it, and rising again, and sang first as
to a celestial deity. . . . [He declaimed on Caesar's " god-
like origin," victories, and spoils he had brought to Borne]
exclaiming, "Thou alone hast come forth unvanquished
from all the battles thou hast fought ! Thou alone hast
avenged thy country of the outrages put upon it 300 years
ago [by the Gauls], bringing to their knees the savage

Senate shortly after the murder bad declared a general amnesty
on the motion of Cicero. The Senators had considered declaring Caesar a
tyrant, but as this would have annulled all his appointments they pre-
ferred this compromise because some of the chief conspirators had been
assigned by Csesar to provinces and were loath to give up the prospect of
command.

44 B.C.] THE FUNERAL OF CJESAR 157

tribes, the only ones that ever broke into and burned
Rome."

Carried away by extreme passion, he uncovered the body
of Caesar, lifted his robe on the top of a spear, and shook it
aloft, pierced with the dagger thrusts, and red with the
Dictator's blood. Whereupon the people, like a [theatric]
chorus, mourned with him in a most doleful manner, and
[then] from sorrow became again filled with anger.

The People break out in "Fury

[After more lamentations] the people could stand it no
longer. It seemed to them monstrous that all the murderers,
who, save Decimus Brutus, had been made prisoners while
siding with Pompey, and who, instead of being punished,
had been advanced by Caesar to the magistracies of Rome,
and to the command of provinces and armies, should have
conspired against him, and that Decimus should have been
deemed by him worthy of adoption as a son.

While they were in this temper, and were already nigh to
violence, some one raised above the bier an image of Caesar
himself, wrought of wax. As for the actual body, since it
lay on its back upon the couch, it could not be seen. The
image was turned around and around by a mechanical device,
showing the twenty-three wounds on all parts of the body
and the face, which gave him a shocking appearance.
The people could no longer bear the pitiful sight presented
to them. They groaned, and girding themselves, they
burned the Senate chamber, where Caesar had been slain,
and ran hither and thither searching for the murderers, who
had fled some time previously.

They were so mad with rage and grief, that, like wild
beasts, they tore in pieces the tribune Cinna on account of
the similarity of his name to the praetor Cinna, who had
made a speech against Caesar, not waiting to hear any expla-

158 THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

nation about the similarity of name, so that no part of
him was ever found for burial. They carried fire to the
houses of the other murderers, but the servants bravely
fought them off, and the neighbors begged them to desist.
So the people abstained from using fire, but threatened to
come back with arms on the following day.

Ccesar's Funeral Pyre

The murderers fled from the city secretly. The people
returned to Caesar's bier, and bore it as something conse-
crated to the Capitol in order to bury it in the temple and
place it among the gods. Being prevented from so doing by
the priests, they placed it again in the Forum, where of old
had stood the palace of the kings of Rome. There they
collected together sticks of wood and benches, of which
there were many in the Forum, and anything else that they
could find of this sort, for a funeral pile, throwing on it the
adornments of the procession, some of which were very
costly. Some of them cast their own crowns upon it and
many military gifts. 1 Then they set fire to it, and the entire
people remained by the funeral pile throughout the night.

There an altar was at first erected, but now stands [on the
spot] the Temple of Csesar himself, for he was deemed worthy
of divine honors ; since Octavius, his adoptive son, who took
the name of Csesar, and following in his footsteps in polit-
ical policy, greatly strengthened the government founded
by Csesar, [which government] remains to this day, and
decreed divine honors to his " fathers." From this example
the Romans now pay like honors to each emperor at his
death, if he has not reigned in a tyrannical manner or
made himself odious, although at first they could not bear
to call them kings while living. 2

1 The rewards of their valor.

2 Thus Augustus, Vespasian, and Trajan were " deified/* but not Tiberius
or Nero.

44 B.C.] PERSONAL TRAITS OF JULIUS CLESAR 159

54. THE PERSONAL TRAITS OF JULIUS C.ESAR

Suetonius, " Life of Julius Cassar," chaps. 45-57, 62, 72-73. Bohn
Translation

Thanks to Suetonius we gain a fairly complete view of the per
sonal traits of the greatest man produced by Antiquity. Con-
sidered as a public man, Csesar impresses us by his marvelous
versatility orator, politician, constructive statesman, and general;
as a private individual he seems to have been a charming and
genial gentleman, by no means impeccable, even according to the
lax standards of his age, but a man who could command warm
and abiding friendship.

He was tall, of a fair complexion, round limbed, rather full
faced, with, eyes black and piercing; he enjoyed excellent
health except toward the close of his life when he was sub-
ject to sudden fainting fits and disturbances in his sleep. He
was likewise twice seized with the " falling sickness," while
engaged in active service. He was extremely nice in the care
of his person, and kept the hair of his head closely cut and
had his face smoothly shaved. His baldness gave him much
uneasiness, having often found himself on that score ex-
posed to the jibes of his enemies. He used therefore to
brush forward the hair from the crown of his head, and of
all the honors conferred on him by the Senate and People,
there was none which he either accepted or used with
greater pleasure than the right of wearing constantly a
laurel crown. It is said that he was particular in his dress,
for he wore the latus davus 1 with fringes about the wrists,
and always had it girded about him, but rather loosely.

He first inhabited a small house in the Suburra, 2 but after
his advancement to the office of Pontiff, he occupied a palace
belonging to the government on the Via Sacra. He liked

1 Toga with a broad strip of purple, such as only senators were allowed
to wear.

2 One of the noisiest and least select quarters in Rome.

160 THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

his residence to be elegant and his entertainments sump
tuous. He pulled down entirely a villa near the grove of
Aricia, which he built from the foundation, and finished at
heavy cost, because it did not meet his taste, although at
that time he had only limited means, and was in debt
Also he used to carry about on his expeditions tesselated
and marble slabs for the floor of his tent.

It is said he actually invaded Britain in hopes of finding
pearls there. He was accustomed to compare the size of
these and ascertain their weight merely by poising them in
his hand. At any cost he would purchase gems, carved work,
statues, and pictures, executed by eminent masters of an-
tiquity. Eor young and handy slaves he would pay a price
so extravagant that he forbade its being entered in his daily
expense book.

We are also told that in the provinces he constantly
maintained two tables, one for the army officers and the
local country gentleman, the other for Romans of the high-
est rank and distinguished provincials. He was so very
exact in the management of his domestic affairs that he
once threw a baker into prison for serving him a finer sort
of his bread than his guests.

[He was a notable lady's man, and indulged in many
intrigues ; he was especially intimate with Servilia, the
mother of Marcus Brutus,] for whom he purchased in his
first consulship ... a pearl which cost him 6,000,000 ses-
terces [$240,000], and in the Civil War, besides other pres-
ents assigned to her for a trifling consideration some
valuable farms that had been set up at public auction.

It was confessed even by his enemies that in regard to
wins he was abstemious. A remark is ascribed to Marcus
Cato, that " Csesar was the only sober man amongst all those
engaged in the design to subvert the government."

In eloquence and warlike achievements he equaled, if he
did not surpass, the greatest of men. After his prosecution

44 B.C.] PERSONAL TRAITS OF JULIUS CAESAR 161

of Dolabella lie was indisputably reckoned one of the most
distinguished advocates. Cicero in recounting to Brutus the
famous orators declares " he does not see that Ceesar was in*
f erior to any of them, and says " that he had an elegant,
noble, and magnificent vein of eloquence." In his delivery
Caesar is said to have had a shrill voice, and his action was
animated, but not ungraceful.

He was perfect in the use of arms, an accomplished rider,
and able to endure fatigue beyond all belief. On a march
he used to go at the head of his troops, sometimes on horse-
back, but oftener on foot, with his head bare in all kinds of
weather. He would travel post in a light carriage without
baggage, at the rate of one hundred miles per day ; and if
he was stopped by floods in the rivers, he swam across, or
floated on skins inflated in the wind, so that he often antici-
pated the tidings of his movements. Often he rallied his
troops by his own personal exertions, stopping those who
fled, keeping others in their ranks, and seizing men by the
throat, turned them again towards the enemy, although
numbers [of his men] were [sometimes] so terrified that an
eagle bearer l thus stopped made a thrust at him with the
spearhead [on the eagle], and another on a like occasion
left the standard in his hand.

He always treated his friends with such kindness and
good nature, that when Gains Oppius, in traveling with
him through a forest, was suddenly taken ill, he resigned to
him the only place there was to shelter them at night, and
lay 011 the ground in the open air. The resentment he
entertained towards any one was never so implacable but
that he did not very willingly renounce it when opportunity
offered [and various instances are cited of how he forgave
enemies and detractors, and worked for their interests after
reconciliation].

1 The eagle was the great standard of a legion.

162 THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

55. How CLEOPATRA BEWITCHED ANTONY

Plutarch, " Life of Mark Antony chaps. XXV-XXIX

The romance of Antony (more properly Antoums) and Cleo-
patra was an event affecting the history of the world. Re-
cently an attempt has been made to show that the element of
genuine passion was largely absent that it was a union founded
mainly on mere political advantage. This seems very improbable.
Antony was exactly the kind of a man to sacrifice his interests to
a fierce and skillfully enkindled passion. If he had possessed the
strength to resist the seductions of the Egyptian queen, very likely
he could have undermined the power of Octavian, and become mas-
ter of the world changing the whole story of the Roman Empire.

When making preparation for the Parthian war, Antony
sent to command her to make her personal appearance in
Cilicia, to answer an accusation, that she had given great
assistance, in the late wars, to Cassius. Dellius, who was
sent on this message, had no sooner seen her face, and re-
marked her adroitness and subtlety in speech, but he felt
convinced that Antony would not so much as think of giving
any molestation to a woman like this ; on the contrary, she
would be the first in favor with him. So he set himself at
once to pay his court to the Egyptian, and gave her his ad-
vice, " to go," in the Homeric style, to Cilicia, " in her best
attire," and bade her fear nothing from Antony, the gentlest
and kindest of soldiers.

She had some faith in the words of Dellius, but more in
her own attractions, which, having formerly recommended
her to Caesar and the young Ciiaeus Pompey, she did not
doubt might prove yet more successful with Antony. Their
acquaintance was with her when a girl, young, and ignorant
of the world, but she was to meet Antony in the time of life
when women's beauty is most splendid, and their intellects
are in full maturity. 1 She made great preparations for her

1 She was then about twenty-eight years old.

41 B.C.] CLEOPATRA BEWITCHES ANTONY 163

journey, of money, gifts, and ornaments of value, such as so
wealthy a kingdom might afford, but she brought with hei
her surest hopes in her own magic arts and charms.

She received several letters, both from Antony and from
his friends, to summon her, but she took no account of these
orders ; and at last, as if in mockery of them, she came sailing
up the river Cydnus, in a barge with gilded stern and out-
spread sails of purple, while oars of silver beat time to the
music of flutes and fifes and harps. She herself lay all along,
under a canopy of cloth of gold, dressed as Venus in a pic-
ture, and beautiful young boys, like painted Cupids, stood on
each side to fan her. Her maids were dressed like Sea
Nymphs and Graces, some steering at the rudder, some
working at the ropes. The perfumes diffused themselves
from the vessel to the shore, which was covered with
multitudes, part following the galley up the river on either
bank, part running out of the city to see the sight. The
market place was quite emptied, and Antony at last was left
alone sitting upon the tribunal ; while the word went through
all the multitude, that Venus was come to feast with Bacchus
for the common good of Asia.

On her arrival, Antony sent to invite her to supper. She
thought it fitter he should come to her ; so, willing to show
his good humor and courtesy, he complied, and went. He
found the preparations to receive him magnificent beyond
expression, but nothing so admirable as the great number of
lights; for on a sudden there was let down altogether so
great a number of branches with lights in them so ingeniously
disposed, some in squares, and some in circles, that the
whole thing was a spectacle that has seldom been equaled
for beauty.

The next day, Antony invited her to supper, and was very-
desirous to outdo her as well in magnificence as contrivance;
but he found he was altogether beaten in both, and was so
well convinced of it, that he was himself the first to jest

164 THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

and mock at "his poverty of wit, and his rustic awkwardness.
She, perceiving that his raillery was broad and gross, and
savored more of the soldier than the courtier, rejoined in the
same taste, and fell into it at once, without any sort of
reluctance or reserve.

For her actual beauty, it is said, was not in itself so remark-
able that none could be compared with her, or that no one
cculd see her without being struck by it, but the contact of
her presence, if you lived with her, was irresistible ; the at-
traction of her person, joining with the charm of her
conversation, and the character that attended all she said or
did, was something bewitching. It was a pleasure merely to
hear the sound of her voice, with which, like an instru-
ment of many strings, she could pass from one language to
another; so that there were few of the barbarian nations
that she answered by an interpreter ; to most of them she
spoke herself, as to the ^Ethiopians, Troglodytes, Hebrews,
Arabians, Syrians, Medes, Parthians, and many others, whose
language she had learnt ; which was all the more surprising,
because most of the kings, her predecessors, scarcely gave
themselves the trouble to acquire the Egyptian tongue, and
several of them quite abandoned the Macedonian.

Ajatony was so captivated by her, that while Fulvia his
wife maintained his quarrels in Rome against Caesar by
actual force of arms, and the Parthian troops, commanded
by Labienus (the king's generals having made him cornmand-
er-in-chief), were assembled in Mesopotamia, and ready to
enter Syria, he could yet suffer himself to be carried away
by her to Alexandria, there to keep holiday, like a boy, in
play and diversion, squandering and fooling away in enjoy-
ment that most costly, as Antiphon says, of all valuables,
time. They had a sort of company, to which they gave a
particular name, calling it that of the " Inimitable Livers."
The members entertained one another daily in turn, with an
extravagance of expenditure beyond measure or belief.

35 B.C.] CLEOPATRA BEWITCHES ANTONY 165

Philotas, a physician of Amphissa, who was at that time
a student of medicine in Alexandria, used to tell my [Plu-
tarch's] grandfather Lampnas, that, having some acquaint-
ance with one of the royal cooks, he was invited by him, being
a young man, to come and see the sumptuous preparations
for supper. So he was taken into the kitchen, where he ad-
mired the prodigious variety of all things ; but particularly,
seeing eight wild boars roasting whole, says he, " Surely you
have a great number of guests." The cook laughed at his
simplicity, and told him there were not above twelve to sup,
but that every dish was to be served up just roasted to a
turn, and if any thing was but one minute ill timed, it was
spoiled; "And," said he, "maybe Antony will sup just now,
maybe not this hour, maybe he will call for wine, or begin*
to talk, and will put it off. So that," he continued, " it is
not one, but many suppers must be had in readiness, as it is
impossible to guess at his hour."

To return to Cleopatra; Plato admits four sorts of flat-
tery, but she had a thousand. Were Antony serious or
disposed to mirth, she had at any moment some new delight
or charm to meet his wishes; at every turn she was upon
him, and let him escape her neither by day nor by night.
She played at dice with him, drank with him, hunted with
him ; and when he exercised in arms, she was there to see.
At night she would go rambling with him to disturb and tor-
ment people at their doors and windows, dressed like a serv-
ant woman, for Antony also went in servant's disguise, and
from these expeditions he often came home very scurvily
answered, and sometimes even beaten severely, though most
people guessed ^ho it was. However, the Alexandrians in
general liked it all well enough, and joined good humoredly
and kindly in his frolic and play, saying they were much
obliged to Antony for acting his tragic parts at Home, and
keeping his comedy for them.

It would be trifling without end to be particular in his

166 THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

follies, but his fishing must not be forgotten. He went out
one day to angle with Cleopatra, and, being so unfortunate
as to catch nothing in the presence of his mistress, he gave
secret orders to the fishermen to dive under water, and put
fishes that had been already taken upon his hooks ; and
these he drew so fast that the Egyptian perceived it. But,
feigning great admiration, she told everybody how dexterous
Antony was, and invited them next day to come and see
him again. So, when a number of them had come on board
the fishing boats, as soon as he had let down his hook, one
of her servants was beforehand with his divers, and fixed
upon his hook a salted fish from Pontus. Antony, feeling
his line give, drew up the prey, and when, as may be im-
agined, great laughter ensued, "Leave," said Cleopatra,
"the fishing-rod, general, to us poor sovereigns of Pharos
and Canopus ; your game is cities, provinces, and kingdoms."

56. THE DEEDS OF AUGUSTUS

Extracts from the "Monumentum Ancyranum." Adapted from Univer-
sity of Pennsylvania, "Historical Reprints," vol. 5, Wo. 1

This is, perhaps, the most famous inscription left us by Anti-
quity. It is inscribed on marble in a building which was a temple
of Augustus in Ancyra, Asia Minor. The original of this document
seems to have been set up in bronze before the great Emperor's
mausoleum in Rome, and this is one of the copies distributed
through the provinces. Only a fraction of the long inscription
can be cited, and it is hard to abridge what is throughout of
high historical value. It gives us what Augustus wished to have
regarded as the leading glories of his reign, distorting and sup-
pressing some facts, but adding much to our knowledge of others.

Below is a copy of the deeds of the divine Augustus, by
-which he subjected the whole world to the dominion of the
Roman People, and of the sums of money he spent upon the
Republic and the Roman People, even as they are graven
on the two brazen columns which are set up in Rome.

MA.D.] THE DEEDS OF AUGUSTUS 167

In my twentieth year [44 B.C.], acting on my own initia-
tive and at my own charges, I raised an army wherewith I
brought again liberty to the Eepublic oppressed by the
dominance of a faction. Therefore did the Senate admit
me to its own order by honorary decrees, in the consulship
of Gains Pansa and Aulus Hirtius. At the same time they
gave unto me rank among the consulars in the expressing
of my opinion [in the Senate] ; l and they gave unto me the
imperium. 2 It also voted that I, as proprsetor, together
with the consuls, should "see to it that the state suffered
no harm," In the same year, too, when both consuls had
fallen in battle, the people made me consul and triumvir
for the reestablishing of the Eepublic.

The men who killed my father [Julius Caesar] I drove
into exile by strictly judicial process, 8 and then, when they
took up arms against the Eepublic, twice I overcame them
in battle. 4

I undertook civil and foreign wars both by land and by
sea; as victor therein I showed mercy to all surviving
[Eoman] citizens. Foreign nations, that I could safely
pardon, I preferred to spare rather than to destroy. About
500,000 Eoman citizens took the military oath of allegiance
to me. Eather over 300,000 of these have I settled in colo-
nies, or sent back to their home towns (municipia) when
their term of service ran out; and to all of these I have
given lands bought by me, or the money for farms and
this out of my private means. I have taken 600 [war]
ships, besides those smaller than triremes.

1 He could speak in the Senate when the presiding officer summoned
the ex-consuls to speak, i.e. among the first.

2 In Augustus's case this amounted to confirming him in his exceptional
command over an army raised by him without public authority.

8 Augustus wants to pose as a close adherent to legal processes not
martial power.

4 Not actually true; in the first battle at Philippi Augustus was
worsted, though Antonius's half of the army succeeded.

168 THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

Offices and Sonars given to Augustus

Twice have I had the lesser triumph [ovation] ; thrice
the [full] curule triumph; twenty-one times have I been
saluted as " Imperator," After that, when the Senate voted
me many triumphs, I declined them. Also I often depos-
ited the laurels in the Capitol, fulfilling the vows which I
had made in battle. On account of the enterprises brought
to a happy issue on land and sea by me, or by my legates,
under my auspices, fifty-five times has the Senate decreed a
thanksgiving unto the Immortal Gods. The number of
days, too, on which thanksgiving was professed, fulfilling
the Senate's decrees, was 890. Nine kings, or children of
kings, have been led before my car in my triumphs. And
when I wrote these words, thirteen times had I been consul,
and for the thirty -seventh year was holding the tribunician
power.

The dictatorship which was offered me by the People and
by the Senate, both when I was present and when I was
absent, I did not accept. The annual and perpetual consul-
ship I did not accept.

Ten years in succession I was one of the " triumvirs for
the reestablishing of the Republic." Up to the day that I
wrote these words I have been princeps of the Senate forty
years. I have been pontifex maximus, augur, member of the
College of XV for the Sacred Rites" [and of the other
religious brotherhoods].

Augustus's Acts as Censor

In my fifth consulship, by order of the People and the
Senate, I increased the number of patricians. Three times
I revised the Senate list. In my sixth consulship, with my
colleague, Marcus Agrippa, I made a census of the People.
[By it] the number of Roman citizens was 4,063,000. Again
in the consulship of G-aius Censorinus and Gaius A sinus

14A.D.] THE DEEDS OF AUGUSTUS 169

[8 B.C.] I [took the census, when] the number of Koraan
citizens was 4,230,000. A third time ... in the consulship
of Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Appuleius [14 A.D.], with
Tiberius Csesar as colleague, I [took the census when] the
number of Roman citizens was 4,937,000. By new legisla-
tion I have restored many customs of our ancestors which
had begun to fall into disuse, and I have myself also set
many examples worthy of imitation by those to follow me.

By decree of the Senate my name has been included in
the hymn of the Salii, 1 and it has been enacted by law that
as long as I live I shall be invested with the tribunician
power. I refused to be pontife maximus in place of a
colleague still living, when the people proffered me [that]
priesthood which my father had held.

Benefactions and Public Works conducted by Augustus

[The temple of] Janus Quirinus, which it was the pur-
pose of our fathers to close when there was a Victorious
peace throughout the whole Roman Empire, by land and
sea, and which before my birth had been alleged to
have been closed only twice at all, since Rome was founded :
thrice did the Senate order it closed while I was princeps. 2

To each of the Roman plebs I paid 300 sesterces [$12]
in. accord with the last will of my father [Csesar], In my
own name in my fifth consulship [29 B.C.] I gave 400 ses-
terces [$16] from the spoils of war. Again in my tenth
consulship [24 B.C.] I gave from my own estate to every
man [among the Romans] 400 sesterces as a donative. In
my eleventh, twelve times I made distributions of food, buy-
ing grain at my own charges. [And I made like gifts on sev-
eral other occasions.] The sum which I spent for Italian
farms [for the veterans] was about 600,000,000 sesterces
[$24,000,000] and for lands in the provinces about 260,'

1 As if Augustus were a god.

2 29 B.C., 26 B.C., and probably again in 8 B.C.

170 THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

000,000 [$10,400,000]. . . . Four times have I aided the
public treasury from my own means, to such extent that
I furnished to those managing the treasury department
150,000,000 sesterces [$6,000,000].

I built the Curia [Senate House], and the Chalcidicum
adjacent thereunto, the temple of Apollo on the Palatine
with its porticoes, the temple of the deified Julius [Csesar],
the Lupercal, the portico to the Circus of Flaminius [and a
vast number of other public buildings and temples].

Aqueducts which have crumbled through age I have
restored, and I have doubled the water [in the aqueduct]
called the Marcian by turning a new stream into its course.
The Foruin Julium and the basilica which was between the
temple of Castor and the temple of Saturn, works begun
and almost completed by my father, I finished.

Three times in my own name and five times in that of
my [adoptive] sons or my grandsons I have given gladiator
exhibitions; in these exhibitions about 10,000 men have
fought. [Besides other games] twenty-six times in my own
name, or in that of my sons and grandsons I have given
hunts of African wild beasts in the circus, the Forum, the
amphitheaters and about 3500 wild beasts have been
slain.

I gave the people the spectacle of a naval battle beyond
the Tiber where is now the grove of the Caesars. For this
purpose an excavation was made 1800 feet long and 1200
wide. In this contest thirty warships triremes or
biremes took part, and many others smaller. About 3000
men fought on these craft beside the rowers.

Conquests wrought by Augustus

I have cleared the sea from pirates. In that war with
the slaves l I delivered to their masters for punishment

iThe reference is to Sextus Pompeius's forces overthrown in 36 B.C.,
which were largely recruited from runaway slaves.

14 B.C.] THE DEEDS OF AUGUSTUS 171

30,000 slaves who had fled their masters and taken up arms
against the Bepublic. The provinces of Gaul, Spain,
Africa, Sicily, and Sardinia swore the same allegiance to me.
I have extended the boundaries of all the provinces of the
Roman People which were bordered by nations not yet
subjected to our sway. My fleet has navigated the ocean
from the mouth of the Ehine as far as the boundaries of
the Cimbri where aforetime no Eoman had ever penetrated
by land or by sea. The German peoples there sent their
legates, seeking my friendship, and that of the Eoman
people. At almost the same time, by my command and
under my auspices two armies have been led into Ethiopia
and into Arabia, which is called " The Happy," and very
many of the enemy of both peoples have fallen in battle,
and many towns have been captured.

I added Egypt to the Empire of the Eoman People.
When the king of Greater Armenia was killed I could have
made that country a province, but I preferred after the
manner of our fathers to deliver the kingdom to Tigranes
[a vassal prince]. ... I have compelled the Parthians to
give up to me the spoils and standards of three Eoman
armies, and as suppliants to seek the friendship of the
Eoman people. Those [recovered] standards, moreover, I
have deposited in the sanctuary located in the temple of
Mars the Avenger.

In my sixth and seventh consulships [28 and 27 B.C.]
when I had put an end to the civil wars, after having
obtained complete control of the government, by universal
consent I transferred the Eepublic from my own dominion
back to the authority of the Senate and Eoman People. In
return for this favor by me, I received by decree of the
Senate the title AUGUSTUS, the door-posts of my house were
publicly decked with laurels, a civic crown 1 was fixed above

i A " civic crown " was given for saving a citizen. Augustus had saved
the state.

172 THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

my door, and in the Julian Curia [Senate-house] was set a
golden shield, which by its inscription bore witness that it
was bestowed on me, by the Senate and Eoman People, on
account of my valor, clemency, justice, and piety. After
that time I excelled all others in dignity, but of power I
held no more than those who were my colleagues in any
magistracy.

[A kind of supplement to the inscription adds]: The sum
of money which he gave into the treasury or to the Roman
People or discharged soldiers was 600,000,000 denarii
($96,000,000) [and names many other public works],

57. EGYPT AND ITS CONDITION AND GOVERNMENT
TTNDEB ROME

Strabo's " Geography," book XVDI, chap. 1, 1ffl 12-13. Bohn Translation

Everywhere under the Early Empire the Eoman rule meant
peace, law and order, justice and prosperity. A notable example
of this was the great and rich province of Egypt, which had been
woefully ruled by the last kings of the Ptolemy line, ending with
the famous Cleopatra. Augustus organized the country as the
Emperor's own special domain land. The Emperor was con-
sidered the successor of the ancient Pharaohs ; his deputy the
prsefect ruled the country with an authority permitted to few
other governors. Under Eoman rule Egypt experienced a marked
increase in prosperity.

At present [in Augustus's time] Egypt is a Eoman
province, and pays considerable tribute, and is well
governed by prudent persons sent there in succession.
The governor thus sent out has the rank of king. Sub-
ordinate to him is the administrator of justice, who is the
supreme judge in many cases. There is another officer
called the Idologus whose business is to inquire into
property for which there is no claimant, and which of right
falls to Caesar. These are accompanied by Caesar's freed-

I A.D.] EGYPT UNDER ROME 173

men and stewards, who are intrusted with affairs of more
or less importance.

Three legions are stationed in Egypt, one in the city [of
Alexandria], the rest in the country. Besides these, there
are also nine Roman cohorts quartered in the city, three on
the borders of Ethiopia in Syene, as a guard to that tract,
and three in other parts of the country. There are also
three bodies of cavalry distributed at convenient posts.

Of the native magistrates in the cities, the first is the
"Expounder of the Law" who is dressed in scarlet. He
receives the customary honors of the land, and has the care
of providing what is necessary for the city. The second is
the "Writer of the Records"; the third is the "Chief
Judge"; the fourth is the "Commander of the Night
Guard." These officials existed in the time of the [Ptole-
maic] kings, but in consequence of the bad administration
of the public affairs by the latter, the prosperity of the city
[of Alexandria] was ruined by licentiousness. Polybius
expresses his indignation at the state of things when he
was there. He describes the inhabitants of Alexandria as
being composed of three classes, first the Egyptians
and natives, acute in mind, but very poor citizens, and
[wrongfully] meddlesome in civic affairs. Second were the
mercenaries, a numerous and undisciplined body, for it
was an old custom to' keep foreign soldiers who from the
worthlessness of their sovrans knew better how to lord it
than to obey. The third were the [so-called] " Alexan-
drines," who, for the same reason, were not orderly citizens ;
however they were better than the mercenaries, for al-
though they were a mixed race, yet being of Greek origin
they still retained the usual Hellenic customs.

Such, then, if not worse, were the [social] conditions [of
Alexandria] under the last kings. The Romans, as far as
they were able, corrected as I have said many abuses,
and established an orderly government by setting up

174: THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

vice-governors, " nomarchs," and " ethnarchs," whose busi-
ness it was to attend to the details of administration.

58. HORACE'S SECULAR Hraor

Horace. De Vere's Translation

In 17 B.C. Augustus celebrated the " Secular Games," a pecul-
iarly solemn event, supposedly permitted only once in a century.
The occasion was one of general jubilation over the notable peace
and prosperity of the age. The " Secular Hymn " by the court
poet Horace is perhaps the most successful poem of occasion ever
written. It fits admirably into the spirit of the occasion with its
references to the old divinities and the contemporary rulers and
their triumphs. It was probably sung on the third day of the
festival at the temple of Apollo on the Palatine by a choir of
twenty-seven noble boys and maidens.

Phoebus ! and Dian, thou whose sway,

Mountains and woods obey !

Twin glories of the skies, forever worshiped, hear !
Accept our prayer this sacred year
When, as the Sibyl's voice ordained

For ages yet to come,
Pure maids and youths unstained
Invoke the Gods who love the sevenfold hills of

All bounteous Sun !

Forever changing, and forever one !
Who in thy lustrous car bear'st forth light,
And hid'st it, setting, in the arms of Night,
Look down on worlds outspread, yet nothing see
Greater than Rome, and Rome's high sovereignty.

Thou Ilithyia, too, whatever name,

Goddess, thou dost approve,
Lucina, Genitalis, still the same
Aid destined mothers with a mother's love 5

17 B.C.] HORACE'S SECULAR HYMN 175

Prosper the Senate's wise decree, 1
Fertile of marriage faith and countless progeny !
As centuries progressive wing their flight
For thee the grateful hymn shall ever sound ;

Thrice by day, and thrice by night
For thee the choral dance shall beat the ground.

Fates ! whose unfailing word
Spoken from lips Sibylline shall abide,

Ordained, preserved and sanctified
By Destiny's eternal law, accord

To Rome new blessings that shall last

In chain unbroken from the Past.
Mother of fruits and flocks, prolific Earth !
Bind wreaths of spiked corn round Ceres's hair :
And may soft showers and Jove's benignant air

Nurture each infant birth !

Lay down thine arrows, God of day !
Smile on thy youths elect who singing pray.
Thou, Crescent Queen, bow down thy star-crowned head
And on thy youthful choir a kindly influence shed.
If Rome be all your work if Troy's sad band
Safe sped by you attained the Etruscan strand,

A chosen remnant, vowed
To seek new Lares, and a changed abode
Remnant for whom thro' Ilion's blazing gate
JUneas, orphan of a ruined State,

Opened a pathway wide and free

To happier homes and liberty :
Ye Gods ! If Rome be yours, to placid Age
Give timely rest : to docile Youth

Grant the rich heritage

1 Augustus's law to promote fruitful marriages.

176 THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

Of morals, modesty, and truth.
On Rome herself bestow a teaming race
Wealth, Empire, Faith, and all befitting Grace.

Vouchsafe to Venus' and Anchises' heir,
Who offers at your shrine
Due sacrifice of milk-white kine,

Justly to rule, to pity and to dare,

To crush insulting hosts, the prostrate foeinan spare*
The haughty Mede has learned to fear
The Alban axe, the Latian spear,
And Scythians, suppliant now, await
The conqueror's doom, their coming fate.
Honor and Peace, and Pristine Shame,
And Virtue's oft dishonored name,
Have dared, long exiled, to return,
And with them Plenty lifts her golden horn.

Augur Apollo ! Bearer of the bow !

Warrior and prophet ! Loved one of the Nine !
Healer in sickness ! Comforter in woe !

If still the templed crags of Palatine
And Latium's fruitful plains to thee are dear,

Perpetuate for cycles yet to come,
Mightier in each advancing year,

The ever growing might and majesty of Rome.
Thou, too, Diana, from thine Aventine,

And Algidus's deep woods, look down and hear
The voice of those who guard the books Divine,

And to thy youthful choir incline a loving ear.

Betum we home! We know that Jove
And all the Gods our song approve
To Phoebus and Diana given ;
The virgin hymn is heard in Heaven.

10A.D.?] MAGNANIMITY OF AUGUSTUS 177

59. STORY ILLUSTRATING THE MAGNANIMITY OF AUGUS-
TUS IN HIS LATER YEARS

Seneca, " Essay on Benefits," book m, chap. 27. Bohn Translation

While struggling for power Augustus had been ruthless and
unscrupulous in clearing away any enemy who crossed his path.
"When he felt his throne secure, he deliberately reversed this policy,
and made his leniency proverbial. He refused to hear charges
of conspiracy, promoted men who had opposed him, and went to
great lengths to refute any charge that he was a despot founding
his power on cruelty and blood. Of this mild policy the following
story gives striking illustration.

In the reign of Augustus, men's own words were not yet
able to ruin them [as under later and worse Emperors] yet
they sometimes brought them into trouble. A Senator
named Eufus, while at dinner, expressed a hope that Csesar
[Augustus] would not return safe from a journey for which
he was preparing, and added that all the bulls and calves
wished the same thing. 1 Some of those present carefully
noted these words. At daybreak the slave who had stood
at his feet during the dinner, told him of what he had said
in his cups, and urged him to be the first to go to Caesar
and denounce himself. Eufus followed this advice, met
Caesar as he was going down to the Forum, and swearing
that he was out of his mind the day before, prayed that
" what he had said might fall upon his own head and that
of his children." He then begged Csesar to pardon, him
and to take him back into favor. When Caesar said he
would do so, Eufus added, " 'No one will believe that you
have taken me back into favor unless you make me a present
of something/ 3 and he asked for and obtained a sum of
money so large that it would have been a gift not to be

1 They feared lest they be slaughtered in the thanksgiving sacrifices on
his return.

178 THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

slighted, even if bestowed by an unoffended prince. Caesar
added, " In the future I will take care never to quarrel with
you, for my own sake."

60. VERGIL'S GLORIFICATION OF THE JULIAN LINE

JEneid, book VI, 11. 789-800, 847-853. H. H Ballard's Translation

Vergil's JSneid rightly understood is one long paean, glori-
fying Rome, its founders, and its greatness in the Augustan age.
How skillfully the courtly poet paid his tribute to the reigning
Julii and especially to Augustus is shown in the following lines
from the great Latin epic. In calling Augustus's age " Golden,"
Vergil is merely voicing the public gratitude for the good govern-
ment and general prosperity that marked the Early Empire ; few
rulers were more popular than Augustus.

[Anchises, in the realms of the dead, is reciting to his son
jEneas the future glories of the Roman race.]

Lo ! Csesar and all the Julian

Line, predestined to rise to the infinite spaces of heaven.
This, yea, this is the man, so often foretold thee in promise,
Csesar Augustus, descended from God, who again shall a

golden

Age in Latium found, in fields once governed by Saturn
Further than India's hordes, or the Garymantian peoples
He shall extend his reign ; there's a land beyond all of our

planets

'Yond the far track of the year and the sun, where sky-
bearing Atlas
Turns on. his shoulders the firmament studded with, bright

constellations ;
Tea, even now, at his coming, foreshadowed by omens from

heaven,
Shudder the Caspian realms, and the barbarous Scythian

kingdoms,
While the disquieted harbors of Nile are affrighted !

14A.D.] THE GLORIES OF ROME 179

[Anchises now points out the long line of worthies and con-
querors who are to precede Augustus, and adds these lines.]

Others better may f ashion the breathing bronze with, more

delicate fingers ;
Doubtless they also will summon more lifelike features

from marble :
They shall more cunningly plead at the bar ; and the mazes

of heaven
Draw to the scale and determine the march of the swift

constellations.
Thine be the care, Rome, to subdue the whole world for

thine empire !

These be the arts for thee 9 the order of peace to establish,
Them that are vanquished to spare, and them that are haughty

to humble ! *

61. THE GLORIES OF ROME

Strabo, " Geography," book V, chap. 3, H 8. Bohn Translation

Addressing a Greek audience, Strabo gives us this impression
of the physical aspect of the mighty city that had mastered all
Hellendom. He wrote in the age of Augustus. The city prob-
ably continued to increase in magnificence for the next two hun-
dred years, and a number of the most famous buildings, e.g. the
Flavian Amphitheater, were not yet erected.

The Greek cities are thought to have flourished mainly
on account of the felicitous choice made by their founders,
in regard to the beauty and strength of their sites, their
proximity to some haven, and the fineness of the country.
But the Roman prudence was more particularly employed
on matters which have received but little attention from the
Greeks, such as paving their roads, constructing aqueducts,
and sewers. In fact they have paved the roads, cut through

i Perhaps the most famous lines in Latin poetry.

180 THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

liills, and filled up valleys, so that the merchandise may be
conveyed by carriage from the ports. The sewers, arched
over with hewn stones, are large enough in parts for actual
hay wagons to pass through, while so plentiful is the supply
of water from the aqueducts, that rivers may be said to flow
through the city and the sewers, and almost every house is
furnished with water pipes and copious fountains.

We may remark that the ancients [of Republican times]
bestowed little attention upon the beautifying of Rome.
But their successors, and especially those of our own day,
have at the same time embellished the city with numerous
and splendid objects. Pompey, the Divine Csesar [i.e.
Julius Caesar], and Augustus, with his children, friends,
wife, and sister have surpassed all others in their zeal and
munificence in these decorations. The greater number of
these may be seen in the Campus Martius which to the
beauties of nature adds those of art. The size of the plain,
is remarkable, allowing chariot races and the equestrian
sports without hindrance, and multitudes [here] exercise
themselves with ball games, in the Circus, and on the wres-
tling grounds. The structures that surround [the Campus],
the greensward covered with herbage all the year around,
the summit of the hills beyond the Tiber, extending from
its banks with panoramic effect, present a spectacle which
the eye abandons with regret.

Near to this plain is another surrounded with columns,
sacred groves, three theaters, an amphitheater, and superb
temples, each close to the other, and so splendid that it
would seem idle to describe the rest of the city after it.
For this cause the Romans esteeming it the most sacred
place, Lave erected funeral monuments there to the illustri-
ous persons of either sex. The most remarkable of these is
that called the " Mausoleum " [the tomb of Augustus] which
consists of a mound of earth raised upon a high foundation
of white marble, situated near the river, and covered on the

14 A. D.] THE GLORIES OF ROME 181

top with, evergreen shrubs. Upon the summit is a bronze
statue of Augustus Caesar, and beneath the mound are the
funeral urns of himself, his relatives, and his friends. Be-
hind is a large grove containing charming promenades. In
the center of the plain [the Campus Martins] is the spot
where [the body of] this prince was reduced to ashes. It
is surrounded by a double inclosure, one of marble, the other
of iron, and planted within with poplars. If thence you
proceed to visit the ancient Forum, which is equally filled
with basilicas, porticoes, and temples, you will there behold the
Capitol, the Palatine, and the noble works that adorn them,
and the piazza of Livia [Augustus's Empress], each
successive work causing you speedily to forget that which
you have seen before. Such then is Rome !

CHAPTER VI
THS DEEDS OF THE EMPERORS

No political experiment was ever a greater immediate success
than the Roman Empire. Down to the death of Antoninus Pius
it must have appeared the final solution of all governmental
problems. Even after the Roman World became convulsed with the
civil wars and barbarian invasions of the third century, no one
seems really to have doubted the permanence of the Empire as
an institution divinely ordained and perpetuated.

It is sometimes complained that too much time has been wasted
upon the study of the personal biographies, crimes, exploits, etc.,
of the individual Emperors, and not enough upon the general fea-
tures of the government and society of their day ; and it is per-
fectly true that court gossip and the anecdotes, e.g. of the gluttony
of a Vitellius, do not constitute the most valuable history. Yet
on the other hand, a study of the personalia of the Emperors is by
no means useless. Sooner or later representatives of almost all
the more usual human types within the Empire found their way
to the throne j and in the long line of the Caesars we can study
in the concrete what was best and what was worst in the first
three Christian centuries. There were many potential Neroes in
the Empire of the first century, and it is also safe to assume that
Marcus Aurelius had many humble yet high-minded comrades
in his courageous philosophy, during the second century.

Naturally one's eyes are focused upon the crimes of a Nero, a
Domitian, or an Elagabalus. It should never be forgotten, however,
that these evil Emperors were only in power a small fraction of the
time ; and even under their sway, the average provincials probably
were not misgoverned. The typical Roman Emperor was very
far removed from an irascible and arbitrary Oriental sultan. He
was often a tried soldier, taught in the camps to obey before he

182

9A.D.] THE DEFEAT OP VARUS 183

could command ; he had frequently held important administrative
offices; and so was an experienced civil governor, and in most
cases he took a highly serious view of the dignity and respon-
sibility of his great office, and was keenly conscious that the
prosperity of his subjects rested largely in his keeping. In
discharging his duties of course no tender scruples nor squeamish
sympathies were likely to prevent him from doing what he
conceived to be for the good of the "Koman World"; and it
is useless to look for the Christian virtues of charity and mercy
to enemies and evildoers. The Roman Empire did not fall, how-
ever, through the personal inefficiency of its rulers. The evils
which undermined it were probably beyond remedy at the hands
of any single Csesar.

In this chaptei a number of typical cases are presented of
great events which affected the woe or weal of the Empire ; and
of incidents which illustrate the characters of certain famous
Emperors. The citations, of course, could be vastly multiplied.
Excerpts dealing with the life and thought of the Empire are re-
served for the next chapter (VII).

62. THE DEFEAT OF YAECJS

Velleius Paterculus, " History of Rome," book ii, chaps. 117-119.
Bonn Translation

In the years 12 to 9 B.C. the vast region known as Germany
had been brought under Roman control by Drusus, the stepson
of Augustus. Up to 9 -A.D. it seemed likely that the whole
country and its inhabitants would be peacefully Romanized.
How this scheme came to nought, thanks to the folly of Yarus
the Roman governor, and the patriotism of the chieftain Arminius
(or Hermann), is told by the contemporary historian Velleius
Paterculus. The event was an important one: for the first
time in history the Roman eagles were forced back.

Quintilius Varus [the new governor of Germany] was
born of a noble rather than an illustrious family ; he was
of a mild disposition, and of a sedate manner, and being

184 THE DEEDS OF THE EMPERORS

rather indolent both in mind and body was more accustomed
to ease in a camp than action in the field. How far he
was from despising money, Syria where he had been
governor gave the proof ; for when he went there the
province was rich and he was poor; when he departed
it was poor and he was rich! On appointment to the
command in Germany, he imagined that the inhabitants
had nothing human but their voice and limbs, and that
creatures who could be tamed by the sword might be
civilized by [the intricacies of] law. With this notion,
once in the heart of Germany, as if among a most peace-
loving folk, he spent the summer deciding litigation, and
ordering the pleadings before a tribunal. [The Germans,
though exasperated by such strange proceedings, pretended
to be grateful for them] and they at length lulled Varus
into such a perfect security that he fancied himself a city
praetor [at Rome] handing out justice in the Forum,
instead of commanding an army in the middle of Germany.
It was at this time, that a young man of high birth,
Arminius, son of the German prince, Segimer, brave
in action, quick in understanding and with an activity
of mind far beyond his barbarian condition, a youth who
had regularly accompanied our army in the former war,
and had been made a Roman citizen and even, an eques,
took advantage of the general's indolence to perpetrate an
act of atrocity ; cleverly judging that a man is most easily
destroyed when he is most secure, and that security very
often is the commencement of calamity. He communicated
his thoughts at first to a few, then to more friends, assur-
ing them that the Romans might readily be surprised.
Then he proceeded to add action to resolution, and fixed
a time for executing the plot. Notice of his intent was
given to Yarus by Segestes, a German of high credit and
rank; but fate was not to be opposed by warnings, and
had already darkened the Roman general's vision. . . .

QA,D.] THE DEFEAT OF VARUS 185

Varus refused to credit the information, asserting that " he
felt a trust in the good will of the [subject] people, pro-
portioned to his kindness to them." And after this first
warning there was no time for a second.

[The Roman army was therefore surprised in the forest
by the Germans of Arminius.] An army unrivaled in brav-
ery, the flower of the Roman troops in discipline, vigor and
military experience, was thus brought through supine lead-
ership, the perfidy of the foe, and a cruel Fortune into an
utterly desperate situation. The troops did not even have
the opportunity of fighting as they wished . . . and hemmed
in by woods, lakes and the bands of ambushed enemies,
were entirely cut off by those foes, whom they had used to
slaughter like cattle. Their leader, Varus, showed some
spirit in dying, though none in fighting for, imitating the
example of his father and grandfather, he ran himself
through with his sword. Of the two prsefects of the camp
Lucius Eggius gave an honorable example, but Ceionius one
of baseness, for after the bulk of the army had perished,
Ceionius advised a surrender, preferring to die by the execu-
tioner than in battle. Numonius Vala, Varus's lieutenant, a
man hitherto of good reputation, this time proved guilty of
foul treachery, for leaving the infantry unguarded he fled
with the allied cavalry, trying to reach the Rhine. But
Fortune avenged his crime ; he perished, in this act of de-
serting his countrymen. The savage enemy mangled the
half-burned body of Varus. 1 His head was cut off and sent
to Marobodus [a barbarian king] and by him sent to the
Emperor ; and so at length received honorable burial in the
sepulcher of his family.

1 The Romans in their last stand seem to have tried to hurn his hody
on a funeral pyre.

186 THE DEEDS OF THE EMPERORS

63. A DISCOURSE OF CLAUDIUS IN THE SENATE

Inscription. Published in ZelPs " Opuscula," and now translated

Claudius, the third successor of Augustus (41 to 54 A.D.), was
a fearfully pedantic and long-winded individual. He was not
without abilities as a ruler, however, and did much to equalize the
condition of the Italians and the Provincials. The following
speech of his in the Senate (luckily preserved on an inscription)
illustrates at once the nature of an imperial harangue before the
Conscript Fathers, the interruptions that seem to have been
allowed even in the speech of an Emperor, the broad personalities
in which Claudius indulged, and his liberal policy withal, especially
to the Gauls.

" It is surely an innovation of the divine Augustus, my
great-uncle, and of Tiberius Caesar, my uncle, to desire that
particularly the flower of the colonies and of the municipal
towns, that is to say, all those that contain men of breeding
and wealth, should be admitted to this assembly."

[ Interruption, seemingly by a senator"] : " How now ? Is
not an Italian senator to be preferred to a provincial senator!"

" I will soon eplain this point to you, when I submit that
part of my acts which I performed as censor, but I do not
conceive it needful to repel even the provincials who can
do honor to the Senate House. Here is this splendid and
powerful colony of Vienna ; l is it so long since it sent to us
senators? From that colony comes Lucius Vestinus, one
of the glories of the equestrian order, my personal friend,
whom I keep close to myself for the management of my

private affairs. Let his sons be suffered I pray you

to become priests of the lowest rank, while waiting till, with
the lapse of years, they can follow the advancement of their
dignity. As for that robber, [Valerius Asiaticus from
Vienna] I will pass over his hateful name. For I detest

1 Not the great Vienna on the Danube, but the modern town of Yienne in
southern France.

48A.D.] A DISCOURSE OF CLAUDIUS 187

that hero of the gymnasium, who brought the consulship
into his family before even his colony had obtained the full
rights of Boman citizenship. I could say as much of his
brother, stamped as unworthy by this unlucky relationship,
and incapable henceforth of being a useful member of
your body. 33

[Interrupting shout"} : "Here now, Tiberius Ceesar Ger-
manicus ! It's time to let the Conscript Fathers under-
stand what your talk is driving at already you've
reached the very limits of Narbonnese Gaul ! "

[Claudius resumes] : " All these young men of rank, on
whom I cast iny glance, you surely do not regret to see
among the number of the senators ; any more than Persicus,
that most high-born, gentleman and my friend, is ashamed
when he meets upon the images of his ancestors the name
Allobrogius. 1 And if such is your thought, what would
you desire more ? Do I have to point it out to you ?
Even the territory which is located beyond the province
of [Gallia] Narbonnensis, has it not already sent you
senators ? For surely we have no regrets in going clear
up to Lugdunum 2 for the members of our order. Assuredly,
Conscript Fathers, it is not without some hesitation that
I cross the limits of the provinces which are well known
and familiar to you, but the moment is come when I
must plead openly the cause of Further Gaul. It will
be objected that Gaul sustained a war against the divine
Julius for ten years. But let there be opposed to this
the memory of a hundred years of steadfast fidelity, and
a loyalty put to the proof in many trying circumstances.
My father, Drusus, was able to force Germany to submit,
because behind him reigned a profound peace assured
by the tranquillity of the Gauls. And note well, that at

i In memory of a victory by a certain ancestor of Persicus, who de-
feated the Allobroges in 121 B.C.
9 Modern Lyons.

188 THE DEEDS OF THE EMPERORS

the moment he was summoned to that war, he was busy
instituting the census [in Gaul], a new institution among
them, and contrary to their customs. And how difficult
and perilous to us is this business of the census, 1 although,
all we require is that our public resources should be known,
we have learned by all too much experience."

64. A TYPICAL NERONIAN CRIME : THE MURDER
OF BRITANNICUS

Tacitus, "Annals," book XTTT, chaps. 15-17. Church and Broadrib
Translation

Nero's crimes have become proverbial, and the repetition of
them a dreary catalogue. The following story of the death of
his stepbrother Britannicus (the true son of Claudius, the late
Emperor) is typical of most of the others. It was the first of
Nero's great iniquities, being perpetrated in 55 A.D., when the
young sovereign was only eighteen years old.

[Agrippina, Nero's mother, was disappointed in her hopes
of controlling the government through her son. She com-
plained of the efforts of his ministers Seneca and Burrhus
against her, and threw out hints that Britannicus, Claudius's
real heir, and stepbrother to Nero, was coming of age and
must have his rights.]

Nero was confounded at this, and as the day was near on
which Britannicus was to complete his fourteenth year, 2 he
reflected on the domineering temper of his mother, and now
again on the character of the young prince, which a trifling
circumstance had lately tested, trifling, yet sufficient to
gain him wide popularity. During the Saturnalia amid
other pastimes of his playmates, at a game of lot drawing
for "king" [of the revels], the lot fell upon Nero, upon

1 Perilous, of course, because it was detested by the Provincials as the
basis for Roman taxation.

2 When by Roman usage youths took the manly toga and came of age.

55 A.D.] THE MURDER OF BRITANNICUS 189

which he gave all his other companions various orders but
of such a chaiacter as would not put them to the blush; but
when he told Britannicus to step forward and begin a song,
hoping for a laugh at the expense of a boy who knew noth-
ing of sober, much less of riotous, society, the lad had with
perfect coolness commenced some verses which hinted at
his expulsion from his father's house, and from supreme
power. This procured him pity, which was all the more
conspicuous, as night with its merriment had stripped off all
disguise [of men's feelings],

Nero saw the reproach and doubled his hate. Pressed by
Agrippina's menaces, having no charge against his " brother/'
and not daring openly to order his murder, he meditated a
secret device, and directed poison to be prepared through
the agency of Jullius Vollio, a tribune of the prsetorians,
who had in his custody a woman under sentence for poison-
ing, one Locusta, a person with a vast reputation for
crime. "That all the people waiting upon Britannicus should
care nothing for right or honor had been long since provided
for. He actually received his first dose of poison from his
tutors [but it did not prove deadly, and he suffered no great
hurt]. But Nero, impatient at such slow progress in crime,
threatened the tribune and ordered the prisoner to execution,
for prolonging his anxiety while they were thinking of the
popular gossip and preparing their own defense. Then they
promised that that death should be as sudden as if it were
the hurried work of the dagger, and a rapid poison of in-
gredients previously tested was prepared close to the Em-
peror's chamber.

It was customary for the [young] imperial princes to sit
during their meals with other nobles of the same age, in the
sight of their kinsfolk, but at a table of their own, furnished
somewhat frugally. There Britannicus was dining, and
as whatever he ate and drank was always tested by the
taste of a select attendant, the following device was con-

190 THE DEEDS OP THE EMPERORS

trived, that the usage might not be dropped, or the crime
betrayed by the death of both prince and attendant. A
cup as yet harmless, but extremely hot and already tested
was handed to Britannicus ; then, on his refusing it
because of its warmth, poison was poured in with some
cold water, and this so penetrated his entire frame that he
lost alike yoice and breath.

There was a stir among the company; some, taken by
surprise, ran hither and thither, while those whose discern-
ment was keener remained motionless, with their eyes fixed
on Xero, who, as he reclined in seeming unconcern,
said that, " this was a common occurrence, from a periodic
epilepsy, which had afflicted Britannicus from infancy, and
Ms sight and senses would presently return." As for Agrip-
pina, her terror and confusion, though her countenance
straggled to hide it, so visibly appeared, that she was
clearly ignorant, as was Octavia, Britannicus's own sister
[and Nero's wife]. She saw in fact that she was robbed of
her only remaining refuge, and that here was a precedent
for parricide. Even Octavia, notwithstanding her use-
ful inexperience, had learned to hide her grief, her affec-
tion, and indeed every emotion.

And so after a brief pause the company resumed its mirth.
One and the same night witnessed Britannicus's death and
funeral, preparations having already been made for his ob-
sequies, which were on a humble scale. [A violent storm,
testified, in popular opinion, to the wrath of heaven at the
whole proceeding.] The emperor apologized for the hasty
funeral by reminding people that it was the practice of our
ancestors to withdraw from view any grievously untimely
death, and not to dwell on it with panegyrics or display.
"For himself/' said he, "as he had now lost a brother's
help, his remaining hopes centered in the State, and all the
more tenderness ought to be shown by the Senate and
People towards a prince who was the only survivor of a
family born to the highest greatness."

64A.D.] THE GREAT FIRE AT ROME 19)

65. THE GREAT FIRE AT ROME ix THE DAYS OF NERO

Cassius Dio, "Roman History," book 62, chaps. 16-18

Most historians charge Nero with having caused the great fire
that nearly destroyed Rome in 64 A.D. Modern criticism makes
it very doubtful whether the Emperor really caused the fire;
although his life was so iniquitous that people readily "believed
that he was guilty. The city of Rome was, for the most part,
composed of very ill-built and inflammable insulcs (tenement
houses), and a blaze once under headway was almost impossible
to check. In any case, the burning of Rome was one of the
famous events of the age ; and it is likely enough that thugs and
bandits pretended they had the Emperor's orders, when they spread
the flames in the hope of getting new chances for plunder.

Nero had the wish or rather it had always been a fixed
purpose of bis to make an end of the whole city in his
lifetime. Priam be deemed wonderfully bappy in tbat he
bad seen Troy perisb at tbe same moment his authority
over her ended. Accordingly, Nero sent out by different
ways men feigning to be drunk, or engaged in some kind of
mischief, and at first bad a few fires kindled quietly and in
different quarters ; people, naturally, were thrown into ex-
treme confusion, not being able to find either the cause of
the trouble nor to end it; and meantime met witb many
strange sigbts and sounds. They ran about as if distracted,
and some rusbed one way, some another. In tbe midst of
helping their neighbors, men would learn that their own
homes were blazing. Others learned, for the first time,
that their property was on fire, by being told it was burned
down. People would run from their houses into the lanes, 1
with a hope of helping from the outside, or again would
rush into the houses from the streets seeming to imagine
they could do something from the inside. The shouting
and screaming of children, women, men, and gray beards

1 These were fearfully narrow and tortuous in Rome.

192 THE DEEDS OP THE EMPERORS

mingled together unceasingly; and betwixt the combined
smoke and shouting no one could make out anything.

All this time many who were carrying away their own.
goods, and many more who were stealing what belonged to
others kept encountering one another and falling over the
merchandise. It was impossible to get anywhere ; equally
impossible to stand still. Men thrust, and were thrust
back, upset others, and were upset themselves, many were
suffocated or crushed ; in short, no possible calamity at such
a disaster failed to befall.

This state of things lasted not one day, but several days
and nights running. Many houses were destroyed through
lack of defenders; and many were actually fired in more
places by professed rescuers. For the soldiers (including
the night watch) with a keen eye for plunder, instead of
quenching the conflagration, kindled it the more. While
similar scenes were taking place at various points, a sudden
wind caught the fire and swept it over what [of the city]
remained. As a result nobody troubled longer about goods
or homes, but all the survivors, from a place of safety,
gazed on what appeared to be many islands and cities in
flames. No longer was there any grief for private loss, pub-
lic lamentation swallowed up this as men reminded each
other how once before the bulk of the city had been even
thus laid desolate by the Gauls.

While the whole people was in this state of excitement,
and many driven mad by calamity were leaping into the
blaze, !N"ero mounted upon the roof of the palace, where
almost the whole conflagration was commanded by a sweep-
ing glance, put on the professional harpist's garb, and sang
"The Taking of Troy" 1 (so he asserted), although to com-
mon minds, it seemed to be " The Taking of Rome."

The disaster which the city then underwent, had no
parallel save in the Gallic invasion. The whole Palatine
1 A poem probably composed by himself.

64 A.D.] THE GREAT FIRE AT ROME 193

Mil, the theater of Taurus, and nearly two thirds of the
rest of the city were burned. Countless persons perished.
The populace invoked curses upon Nero without intermis-
sion, not uttering his name, but simply cursing " those who
set the fire " ; l and this all the more because they were dis-
turbed by the recollection of the oracle recited in Tiberius's
time, to this effect,

" After three times three hundred rolling years
In civil strife Rome's Empire disappears.' 7

And when Nero to encourage them declared these verses
were nowhere to be discovered, they changed and began
to repeat another oracle alleged to be a genuine one of
the Sibyl,

" When the matricide reigneth in Rome,
Then endeth the race of JEneas."

And thus it actually turned out, whether this was really
revealed in advance by some divination, or whether the
populace now for the first time gave it the form of a sacred
utterance merely adapted to the circumstances. For Nero
was indeed the last sovran of the Julian line, descended
from jEneas.

Nero now began to collect vast sums both from indi-
viduals and nations, sometimes using downright compul-
sion, with the conflagration as his excuse, and sometimes
obtaining funds by "voluntary" offers. As for the mass
of the Romans they had the fund for their food supply
withdrawn. 2

1 This was not merely through fear of the Emperor. It probably took
some time for the rumor to spread that Nero had caused the fire.

2 It ought in fairness to be said Nero did everything possible to relieve
the suffering after the fire, giving freely from the treasury as well as
levying on the provinces.

194 THE DEEDS OF THE EMPERORS

66. How THE EMPEROR DOMITIAN TRIED TO AMUSE THE

POPULACE

Suetonius, " Life of Domitian," chap. IV. Bobn Translation

Despite their control of the army and the subservience of the
Senate, the average Emperor quailed before the hootings and ill
will of the Roman mob. Thus Domitian (81-96 A.D.), a bad and
tyrannical Cuesar, tried to win popularity by providing the idle
masses of the capital with their favorite games and arena mas-
sacres.

He frequently entertained the people with the most
magnificent and costly shows, not only in the amphitheater,
but in the circus ; where, besides the usual chariot races,
with two or four horses abreast, he exhibited the imitation
of a battle betwixt cavalry and infantry ; and in the amphi-
theater a sea fight. The people too were entertained with
wild-beast hunts, and gladiator fights even in the night-time,
by torchlight He constantly attended the games given by
the quaestors, which had been disused for some time, but
were revived by him ; and upon those occasions, he always
gave the people the liberty of demanding two pair of
gladiators out of his own [private] " school/* who appeared
last in court uniforms.

He presented the people with naval fights, performed by
fleets almost as numerous as those nsually employed in real
engagements; making a vast lake near the Tiber, and
building seats around it. And he witnessed these fights
himself during a very heavy rain.

He likewise instituted in honor of Jupiter Capitolimis,
a solemn contest in music to be performed every five years -
besides horse-racing and gymnastic exercises. There was
too a public performance in elocution both Greek and Latin,
and beside the musicians who sung to the harp, there were
others who played concerted pieces or solos without vocal
accompaniment.

STATIUS BANQUETS WITH THE EMPEROR 195

Thrice he bestowed upon the people 1 a bounty of 300
sesterces [$12] per man, and at a public show of gladiators
a very plentiful feast. At the " Festival of the Seven Hills "
[held in December], he distributed large hampers of pro-
visions to the Senatorial and Equestrian orders, and small
baskets to the commonalty, and encouraged them to eat by
setting the example. The day after, he scattered among the
people a variety of cakes and other delicacies to be scrambled
after; and on the greater part of them falling amidst the
seats of the lower classes, he ordered 500 tickets 2 to be
thrown into each range of benches belonging to the
Senatorial and Equestrian orders.

67. THE POET STATIUS BANQUETS WITH HIS LORD GOD
THE EMEEKOR

Statius, " Silvae," book IV, 2. Slater's Translation

How servile Roman society had become before the end of the
first century A.D., and how ready literary men were to heap adula-
tion upon even a very morose and despotic Emperor, is shown by
this extract from a poem by Statius (a writer of some ability) on
the occasion of an invitation to dine with Domitian. When a poet
could prostitute his genius hi this manner, it is evident that litera-
ture was bound to decline.

The royal feast of Sidonian Dido is sung by him who
brought the great JEneas to the Laurentine fields : the
banquet of Alcinous is celebrated in deathless verse by him
who sang the return over the broad seas of Ulysses out-
worn; but I to whom Caesar has even now ,for the first
time granted to enjoy the bliss of that holy banquet, and to
rise up from an Emperor's table how shall I sound my
vows upon the lyre ; how avail to pay my thanks ?

1 Presumably the male adult citizens in Rome are meant.

2 These were probably lottery tickets : the lucky numbers drew articles
of value, vases, slaves, money, possibly a small villa.

196 THE DEEDS OP THE EMPERORS

Barren are the years of my past. This is the beginning
of my days, this the threshold of life !

Ruler of the world, great father of the conquered globe :
hope of mankind, darling of the gods, can it be that I be-
hold thee as I recline [at the f east J ? Is it thou ? And
dost thou suffer me to see thy face, thy face hard by at the
board over the wine, and must I not rise up to do thee
homage? . . .

'Not on the feast : not upon the slabs of Moorish, citron-
wood set on pillars of ivory, not upon the long array of
henchmen on Jiim, on him alone I gaze. Calm was his
countenance ; with a quiet majesty he tempered the bright-
ness and gently abated the blazoned pomp of his grandeur ;
yet the radiance he sought to hide shone out upon his brow. 1

68. DEEDS AND ANECDOTES OF THE EMPEROR HADRIAN

.aSlius Spartianus, " I/ife of Hadrian/' in the " Augustan History "

Under Hadrian (Emperor 117-138 A.D.) the Roman Empire
reached its acme of prosperity. The Emperor, himself a man of
remarkable and varied genius, although not always of just and
even temperament, seemed anxious to conceal the real despotism
of Ms government, by the enlightened use of his power. No new
conquests were made, but many internal reforms were executed.
Hadrian also was a great traveler, and spent much of his reign
going up and down his vast empire, heaping benefits upon the
communities with which he sojourned.

In many jjjlaces where he visited the frontiers, which were
not separated from the Barbarians by rivers, Hadrian
raised a kind of wall, by driving into the ground great piles.
He set up a king over the Germans ; he quenched the sedi-
tious movements of the Moors for which deed the Senate

1 The flattery seems more pronounced, when it is recalled that Domitian
was an extremely gloomy and forbidding monarch.

125 A.D.] DEEDS AND ANECDOTES OF HADRIAN 197

ordered thanksgivings to the Gods. A single interview was
sufficient for Hadrian to stop a war with the Parthians that
seemed to threaten. Then he sailed by way of Asia and
the Islands to Achaia ; and after the example of Hercules
and Philip he was admitted to the Eleusinian mysteries.
He bestowed many benefits upon the Athenians and pre-
sided at their games. It was noticed in Achaia, that though
many persons with swords assisted at the religious cere-
monies, nevertheless none of the suite of Hadrian, came
armed. He passed next into Sicily, where he ascended Mt.
JEtna to see the sun rise, which seems there to form a bow
of variegated colors. Next he went to Borne, and thence to
Africa, where he heaped benefactions upon the province.
Never did a Prince traverse over the Empire with such
celerity !

After that, returning from Africa to Rome, he went
quickly again to the East, and passing by way of Athens,
he dedicated the public works which he had [formerly]
commenced there; such as a temple to Jupiter the
Olympian, and an altar upon which he bestowed his own
name.

In Cappadocia he took some slaves which he intended
for camp service. He proffered his friendship to the princes
and kings of the region, and he did the same to Chosroes,
king of Parthia, to whom he returned the latter' s daughter,
who had been, made captive by Trajan.

While traversing the provinces he punished according to
their crimes the [various] governors and procurators; and
did so with such severity that he seemed actually to stimu-
late their accusers. After having crossed Arabia, the
Emperor came to Pelusiura, where he erected a splendid
monument to Pompey. While sailing on the Nile he lost
his beloved favorite Antinoils, whom he mourned as over a
woman. There are various stories about this young man.
Some say he sacrificed himself [to save] Hadrian's life;

198 THE DEEDS OF THE EMPERORS

[others giye widely differing accounts as to the Emperor's
liking for him]. The Greeks, with their sovran's consent
accorded [the memory of Antinoiis] divine honors.

This ruler loved poetry, and cultivated carefully all
branches of literature. He understood likewise arithmetic,
geometry, and painting. He danced and sang extremely
well, his bent for [sensuous] pleasure being extreme. He
made many verses for his favorites, and wrote love poems.
He handled weapons with much skill, and was a master of
the military art. He also devoted some little time to the
exercises of gladiators. Now severe, now merry, now
voluptuous, now self-contained, now cruel, now merciful, this
Emperor seemed never the same. [He enriched his friends
liberally, but finally growing suspicious of some put them
to death or ruined them.]

[He enjoyed literary and philosophical discussions, but it
was not safe to defeat him in them.] Favorinus [a famous
philosopher and orator], when his friends blamed him for
surrendering to Hadrian's criticism as to his use of a word
when he had good authority on his side laughed and
replied, "You can never persuade me, good friends, that
the commander of thirty legions is not the best-qualified
[critic] in the world ! "

When he sat as judge he was aided not merely by his
friends and his courtiers, but by [many famous] Juris con-
sulti) all approved by the Senate. He enacted among other
things that no one should destroy houses in one city to
transport the materials 1 to another city. He awarded to
children of proscribed persons, a twelfth part of their
father's estate. He did not admit accusations for the crime
of Iese-wiajest6. He refused the bequests of persons whom
he had not known, and did not accept those of personal
acquaintances, if they had children. He enacted that
whoever found a treasure on his own land should keep

1 I.e. Choice marbles, frescoes, paintings, columns, statues, etc.

150 A.D.] CHARACTER OF ANTONINUS PIUS 195

it. 1 If one found treasure on the property of some one
else, he could keep half the rest went to the proprietor.

He took away the right of masters to Ml their slaves, requir
ing that if the slaves deserved it, they should be condemned
[to death] by the regular judges. He abolished the special
dungeons for slaves and freedmen. Also hereafter not all
the slaves of a master who was murdered in his home [by a
slave] were to suffer death [as formerly], but only those
within reach of his outcries.

Hadrian had also a most agreeable style of conversation,
even towards persons of decidedly humble rank. He hated
those who seemed to envy him this natural pleasure, under
pretext of causing "the Majesty of the Throne" to be re-
spected. At the University of Alexandria [the Museum]
he proposed many questions to the professors there, and
satisfied himself [as to the facts]. He had a remarkable
memory, and great talents (for oratory), preparing his own
orations and responses [without aid of a secretary]. He
had a great faculty for remembering names without prompt-
ing ; it was enough to have met persons once, he could then
even aid the nornenclators if they made a mistake. He
remembered all the old veterans whom he had pensioned
off. He wrote, dictated, heard others, and conversed with
his friends; and all at the same time !

69. THE CHAEACTEB OF ANTONINUS Pnrs

Marcus Amelias, "Meditations," book I, 16. Casaubon's Translation

Antoninus Pius (reigned 138-161 A.D.) had a singularly un-
troubled reign, although there is reason to believe that the forces
which later ruined the Roman world were allowed by him to work
unchecked. No one, however, has questioned the purity of his life
and the simplicity and nobility of his character. His personality is

i That it should not be confiscate to the state, as had been the custom
with treasure-trove.

200 THE DEEDS OF THE EMPERORS

described by his adopted son the famous Marcus Aurelius. It
is a high tribute to the ancient civilization and the Stoic philoso-
phy that they could produce two such characters and bestow on
them successively the government of the world.

"In my father [Antoninus Pius] I observed his meek
aess ; his constancy without wavering in those things which
after due examination ... he had determined. How free
from all vanity he carried himself in matters of honor and
dignity fas they are esteemed) ; his laboriousness and assi-
duity, his readiness to hear any man that had aught to
say tending to any common good! how generally and im-
partially he would give every man his due: his skill and
knowledge when rigor or extremity, when indulgence or
moderation were in season. His moderate condescending
to other men's occasions as an ordinary man, neither abso-
lutely requiring his friends that they should wait on him at
his ordinary meals, nor that they should of necessity accom-
pany him in his journeys. His sociability, his gracious and
delightful conversation never reached satiety, his care of
his body was within bounds and measures, not as one who
did not wish to live long, or overstudious of neatness and
elegancy; yet not as one that did not regard it, so that
through his own [care of his health] he seldom needed any
medicine.

" He "was not easily moved and tossed up and down, but
loved to be constant, both in the same places and businesses ;
and after his great fits of headache he would return fresh and
vigorous to his wonted affairs. He was very discreet and
moderate in exhibiting public sights and shows for the
pleasure and pastime of the people; in public buildings,
congiaria [i.e. general distribution of money or corn doles],
and the like. He did not use the baths at unseasonable
hours. He was never curious or anxious about his food, or
about the style or color of his clothes, or about any mere
matter of external beauty. In all his conversation, he was

170 B.C.] THE REIGN OF MARCUS AURELIUS 201

far from all inhumanity, boldness, incivility, greediness, or
impetuosity; never doing anything with such earnestness
and intention that a man could say of him, that he flew
into a heat about it, but contrariwise, all things distinctly,
as at leisure, without trouble, orderly, soundly, and agree-
ably. A man [in short] might have applied to him what
is recorded of Socrates."

[Again Marcus Aurelius says (book VI, 27) :]

"Remember Antoninus Pius's constancy in things that
were done by him in accordance with reason, his equability
in all things ; how he would never give over a matter until he
understood the whole state of it fully and plainly ; and how
patiently and without any resentment he would bear with
them that did unjustly condemn him; how he would never
be overhasty in anything, nor give ear to slanders or false
accusations, but examine and observe with the best diligence
the several actions and dispositions of men. He would
easily be content with a few things [mere] lodgings, bed-
ding, the ordinary food and attendance. He bore with those
who opposed his opinions and even rejoiced if any man
could better advise him, and finally he was exceedingly
religious without superstition."

70. THE REIGN OF MARCUS ATTRELITTS

Eutropius, "Compendium of Roman History," book VIH, chaps. 12-14.
Bohn Translation

Marcus Aurelius was Emperor from 161 to 180 A.D. No ruler
ever came to power with higher ideals and purposes, but the reign
was not a very prosperous one. The philosopher in the purple
was afflicted by the widespread pestilences in the Empire, and by
the dangerous wars on the frontiers. He struggled against the
difficulties manfully, and overcame most of them ; but his reign
marks the beginning of the bug slow decline of the Empire.

202 THE DEEDS OF THE EMPERORS

Marcus Aurelius was trained in philosophy by Apollonius
of Chalcedon : in the Greek language by Sextus of Cheeronea,
the grandson of Plutarch, while the eminent orator Fronto
instructed him. in Latin literature. He conducted himself
towards all men at Rome, as if he had been their equal, be-
ing moved by no arrogance by his elevation to the Empire,
He exercised prompt liberality, and managed the provinces
with the utmost kindness and indulgence.

Under his rule affairs were successfully conducted against
the Germans. He himself carried on a war with the Marco-
manni, which was greater than any in the memory of man
[in the way of wars with the Germans] so that it was
compared to the Punic Wars, for it was exceedingly formi-
dable, and in it whole armies were lost ; especially as in this
reign, after the victory over the Parthians l there occurred a
great pestilence so that at Rome, and throughout Italy and
the provinces a large fraction of the population, and actually
the bulk of the regular troops perished from the plague.

With the greatest labor and patience he persevered for
three whole years at Carnutum [a strategically located for-
tress town in Pannonia] and brought the Marcomannic
war to an end; a war in which the Quadi, Vandals, Sarma-
tians, Suevi and all the barbarians in that region, had joined
the outbreak of the Marcomanni. He slew several thousand
men, and having delivered the Pannonians from bondage
[to the invaders] held a triumph at Rome. As the treas-
ury was drained by the war, and he had no money to give
his soldiers ; and as he would not lay any [extra] tax on
the provinces or Senate, he sold off all his imperial furni-
ture and decorations by an auction held in the Forum of
Trajan, consisting of gold and cups of crystal and precious
stone, silk garments belonging to his wife and to himself,
embroidered as they were with gold, and numbers of
jeweled ornaments. This sale was kept up through two

l Won for Marcus Aurelius by his generals.

193A.D.] THE EMPIRE AT AUCTION 203

successive months and a great deal of money was raised
by it. After his [final] victory, however, he refunded the
money to such purchasers as were willing to restore what
they had bought, but was by no means troublesome to those
who wished to keep their purchase.

After his victory he was so magnificent in his display of
games [at Eome] he is said to have exhibited in the arena
one hundred lions at once. 1 Having then at last rendered
the state happy by his excellent management and gentle-
ness of character, he died in the eighteenth year of his
reign, in the sixty-first of his life. He was enrolled among
the gods, all [the Senate] voting unanimously that he
should have such honor.

71. How DIDIITS JTTLIANUS BOUGHT THE ROMAN
EMPIRE AT AUCTION

Herodianus, " History of the Emperors," book n, chap. 6 ff.

In 193 A.D. the Praetorian Guards murdered the virtuous
Emperor Pertinax, who had striven to reduce them to discipline.
The sale of the purple which followed forms one of the most fear-
ful and dramatic incidents in the history of the Empire, illustrat-
ing : (1) how completely the guardsmen had lost all sense of
decency, discipline, and patriotism; (2) how the idea that all
things were purchasable for money had possessed the men of the
Empire. It ought to be said that the Praetorians were an espe-
cially pampered corps, and probably the rest of the army was less
corrupted.

When the report of the murder of the Emperor [Perti-
nax] spread among the people, consternation and grief
seized all minds, and men ran about beside themselves.
An undirected effort possessed the people, they strove to
hunt out the doers of the deed, yet could neither find nor

i In giving such a show Marcus Anrelius simply complied with Roman
public sentiment, despite his philosophic contempt for such displays.

204 THE DEEDS OF THE EMPERORS

punish them. But the Senators were the worst disturbed,
for it seemed a public calamity that they had lost a kindly
father and a righteous ruler. Also a reign of violence was
dreaded, for one could guess that the soldiery would find
that much to their liking.

When the first and the ensuing days had passed, the peo-
ple dispersed, each man fearing for himself ; men of rank,
however, fled to their estates outside the city, in order not
to risk themselves in the dangers of a change on the throne.
But at last when the soldiers were aware that the people
were quiet, and that no one would try to avenge the blood
of the Emperor, they nevertheless remained inside their
barracks and barred the gates ; yet they set such of their
comrades as had the loudest voices upon the walls, and had
them declare that the Empire was for sale at auction, and
promise to him who bid highest that they would give him
the power, and set him with the armed hand in the imperial
palace.

When this proclamation was known, the more honorable
and weighty Senators, and all persons of noble origin and
property, would not approach the barracks to offer money
in so vile a manner for a besmirched sovranty. However,
a certain Juliauus who had held the consulship, and was
counted rich was holding a drinking bout late that even-
ing, at the time the news came of what the soldiers pro-
posed. He was a man notorious for his evil living; and
now it was that his wife and daughter and fellow feasters
urged him to rise from, his banqueting couch and hasten
to the barracks, in order to find out what was going on.
But on the way they pressed it on him that he might get
the sovranty for himself, and that he ought not to spare
the money to outbid any competitors with great gifts [to the
soldiers].

When he came to the wall [of the camp], he called out
to the troops and promised to give them just as much as

OOA.D.) THE EMPIRE AT AUCTION 205

they desired, for he had ready money and a treasure room
full of gold and silver. About the same time too came
Sulpicianus, who had also been consul and was prsefect of
Rome and father-in-law of Pertinax, to try to buy the
power also. But the soldiers did not receive him, because
they feared lest his connection with Pertinax might lead
him to avenge him by some treachery. So they lowered a
ladder and brought Julianus into the fortified camp; for
they would not open the gates, until they had made sure
of the amount of the bounty they expected. When he was
admitted he promised first to bring the memory of Commo-
dus again into honor l and restore his images in the Senate
house, where they had been cast down; and to give the
soldiers the same lax discipline they had enjoyed under
Commodus. Also he promised the troops as large a sum
of money as they could ever expect to require or receive.
The payment should be immediate, and he would at once
have the cash brought over from his residence.

[According to the other contemporary historian, Cassius
Dio, Julianus and Sulpicianus now bid against another
" one from within the camp, and one without. 33 By their
increases they speedily reached the sum of 4000 denarii 2
per man ; some of the guard kept reporting and saying to
Julianus, " ' Sulpicianus offers so much ; now how much will
you add to that? 3 And again to Sulpicianus, ' Julianus
offers so much, how much will you raise it?' 3 ' Sulpicianus
seemed about to win the day, when Julianus advanced to
6250 denarii 8 "which he offered with a great shout, indi-
cating the amount likewise upon his fingers," whereupon
the troops accepted his bid.]

Captivated by such speeches, and with such vast hopes
awakened, the soldiers hailed Julianus as Emperor, and de-

1 Commodus (Pertinax's predecessor) had teen most popular with the
pampered guards, though hated by the civilians.

2 About $800. * About $1000.

206 THE DEEDS OF THE EMPERORS

manded that along with his own name he should take that
of Commodus. Next they took their standards, adorned
them again with the likeness of Commodus and made ready
to go with Julianus in procession.

The latter offered the customary imperial sacrifices in
the camp; and then went out with a great escort of the
guards. For it was against the will and intention of the
populace, and with a shameful and unworthy stain upon
the public honor that he had bought the Empire, and not
without reason did he fear the people might overthrow
hiic. The guards therefore in full panoply surrounded him
for protection. They were formed in a phalanx around
him, ready to fight ; they had " their Emperor " in their
midst ; while they swung their shields and lances over his
head, so that no missile could hurt him during the march.
Thus they brought Mm to the palace, with no man of the
multitude daring to resist ; but just as little was there any
cheer of welcome, as was usual at the induction of a new
Emperor. On the contrary the people stood at a distance
and hooted and reviled him as having bought the throne
with lucre at an auction.

[Didius Julianus held his ill-gotten power only from March 28th,
193 A.D., to June 1st of the same year, being deposed and slain
when Septimius Severus and the valiant Danube legions marched
on Rome to avenge Pertinax. The ringleaders of the Praetorians
were executed ; the rest of the guardsmen dishonorably discharged
and banished from Italy.]

72. How THE GOTHS DEVASTATED THE EMPIRE IN THE
or G-ALLIENUS

Jordanes, " History of the Goths," chap. 20. Mierow's Translation

Under G-allienus (260 to 268 A.D.) the Empire was in des-
perate straits and seemed on the eve of dissolution. Since 250 A.D.
the Goths had been flinging their hordes over the Danube, and

273 A.D.] HOW AURELIAN CONQUERED ZENOBIA 207

committing devastations which required decades of peace to repair.
It is a tribute to the strength of the Empire that it did not perish
in the third century A.D.

WMle Gallienus was given over to luxurious living of
every sort, Respa, Veduc, and Thuruar, leaders of the Goths,
took ship and sailed across the strait of the Hellespont to
Asia. There they laid waste many populous cities and set
fire to the renowned temple of Diana at Ephesus, which, as
we [ Jordanes] said before, the Amazons built. Being driven
from the neighborhood of Bithynia they destroyed Chal-
cedon, which Cornelius Avitus afterward restored to some
extent. Yet even to-day, though it is happily situated near
the royal city [Constantinople], it still shows some
traces of its ruin as a witness to posterity.

After their success the Goths recrossed the strait of the
Hellespont, laden with booty and spoil, and returned along
the same route by which they had entered the lands of Asia,
sacking Troy and Ilium on the way. These cities, which
had scarce recovered a little from the famous war of
Agamemnon, were thus devastated anew by the hostile
sword. After the Goths had thus devastated Asia, Thrace
next felt their ferocity.

[After continuing their havoc for a long time unchecked, they
were at last expelled for more than a century, by the arms of
Claudius II, Aurelian, and Probus.]

73. HOW AURELIAN CONQUERED ZENOBIA

From Vopiscus, " Life of Aurelian " (in the " Augustan History ")

During the disasters of the middle of the third century A.D. the
Asiatic provinces of the Empire were nearly torn away, first by the
Persians, then by the rulers of Palmyra, a thriving and powerful
city situated upon an oasis in the Syrian desert. From 266 to
273 A.D. the sovereign of this city and the " Queen of the East," was
JZenobia, a woman of masculine courage and energy, who almost

208 THE DEEDS OF THE EMPEROBS

founded an Oriental empire to the detriment of Rome. From this
dismemberment the Roman world was saved by the valor of the
great Emperor Aurelian, who among his other conquests overcame
Zenobia and destroyed Palmyra (273 A.D.), after no puny struggle.

After taking Tyana and winning a small battle near
Daphne, Aurelian took possession of Antioch, having prom-
ised to grant pardon to all the inhabitants, and acting on
the counsel of the venerable Apollonius he showed himself
most humane and merciful. Next, close by Emessa, he gave
battle to Zenobia and to her ally Zaba, a great battle in.
which the very fate of the Empire hung in the issue. Al-
ready the cavalry of Aurelian were weary, wavering, and
about to take flight, when, by divine assistance, a kind of
celestial apparition renewed their courage, and the infantry
coming to the aid of the cavalry, they rallied stoutly.
Zenobia aud Zaba were defeated, and the victory [of
Aurelian] was complete. Aurelian, thus made master of
the East, entered Emessa 1 as conqueror. First of all he
presented himself in the temple of Elagabalus, as if to dis-
charge himself of an ordinary vow, but there he beheld
the same divine figure which he had seen come to succour
him during the battle. Therefore in that same place he
consecrated some temples, with splendid presents ; he also
erected in Rome a temple to the Sun, and consecrated it
with great pomp.

Afterward he marched on Palmyra, to end his labors by
the taking of that city. The robber bands of Syria, how-
ever, made constant attacks while his army was on the
march; and during the siege he was in great danger by
being wounded by an arrow.

Finally wearied and discouraged by his losses, Aurelian
undertook to write to Zenobia, pledging her if she would
surrender, to preserve her life, in the following letter.

i A very sacred city, and a great seat of the worship of the Syrian sun*
god Elagabalus.

273 A.D.] HOW AURELIAN CONQUERED ZENOBIA 209

"Aurelian, Emperor of Rome and 'Restorer of the Orient*
to Zenobia and those waging war on her side. You should
have done what I commanded you in my [former] letter. I
promise you life if you surrender. You, Zenobia, can live
with your family in the place which I will assign you upon
the advice of the venerable Senate. You must deliver to the
treasury of Borne your jewels, your silver, your gold, your
robes of silk, your horses and your camels. The Palmyrenes,
however, shall preserve their local rights." *

Zenobia replied to this letter with a pride and boldness,
not at all in accord with her fortune. For she imagined
that she could intimidate him.

" Zenobia, Queen of the East, to Aurelian Augustus. Xo
one, saving you, has ever required of me what you have in
your letter. One ought in war to hearken only to the voice
of courage. You demand that I surrender myself, as if you
did not know that the Queen Cleopatra preferred to die
rather than to live in any other save her [royal] station.
The Persians do not abandon us, and we will wait their suc-
cours. The Saracens and the Armenians are OIL our side.
The brigands of Syria have defeated your army, Aurelian ;
what will it be when we have received the reinforcements
which come to us from all sides. You will lower then that
tone with which you, as if already full conqueror, now
bid me to surrender."

On the reading of this letter the Emperor did not blush,
yet he was angered, and at once assembling his army with
his generals, and surrounding Palmyra on all sides, the
great Emperor devoted his attention to everything; for he
cut off the succours from the Persians, and corrupted the
hordes of Saracens and Armenians, winning them over some-
times by his severity, sometimes by his adroitness ; in brief,
after many attacks, the valiant Queen was vanquished. Al-

1 The genuineness of this letter and its answer has been questioned, but
they certainly illustrate the true spirit both of Aurelian and of Zenobia.

210 THE DEEDS OF THE EMPERORS

though she fled on camels by which she strove to reach the
Persians, the cavalrymen sent in pursuit captured her, and
brought her to Aurelian.

The tumult of the soldiers requiring that Zenobia be
given up for punishment was very violent ; but Aurelian
conceived that it would be shameful to put to death a woman ;
so he contented himself with executing most of those [in en]
who had fomented, prepared, and conducted this war, re-
serving Zenobia to adorn his triumph and to feast the eyes
of the Roman People. It is grievous that he must needs
place in the number of those massacred the philosopher
Longinus, who was, it is said, the master of Zenobia in
the Greek tongue. It is alleged that Aurelian consented to
his death because there was attributed to him that [afore-
named] letter so full of offensive pride.

It is seldom and even difficult that Syrians remain faith-
ful. The Palmyrenes, who had been defeated and con-
quered, seeing that Aurelian [had gone away and] was busy
with the affairs of Europe, wished to give the power to one
Achilleus, a kinsman of Zenobia, and stirred up a great
revolt. They slew six hundred archers and Sandrion,
whom Aurelian had left [as governor] in their region ; but
the Emperor, ever in arms, hastened back from Europe, and
destroyed Palmyra, even as it deserved.

[In his magnificent triumph, celebrated in Rome after
Aurelian had conquered Tetricius, the usurping "Emperor
of G-aul," and other enemies,] Zenobia was led in procession,
exposed to public view, adorned with jewels, and loaded
with chains of gold [so heavy that] some of her guards had
to hold them up for her. [Later, however, she was treated
with great humanity, granted a palace near Rome, and
spent her last days in peace and luxury.]

CHAPTER VII
PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE UNDER THE EMPIRE

This is naturally a wide topic. For no other period of antiquity
have we so much illuminating material as for the two centuries
following the battle of Aetiuin. The result is that we can enter
into the life, thoughts, habits, philosophy of the typical " man of
the Empire" as is impossible when we come to periods much
nearer chronologically to our own. In many of its phases, its
vast private fortunes, its teeming cities, its swarming commerce,
and the refinements and artificiality of its general life, the "Im-
perial Age " reminds us much of the twentieth century. There is
no need to dwell here on the divergencies caused usually by the
presence of slavery and the absence of Christianity. Probably
men never came nearer to being able to " fleet the time carelessly
as they do in the golden world," than did the upper classes in
Italy during the reigns of the better Emperors.

The picture is given a clearer setting when one remembers how,
while the "Eternal Empire" seemed daily growing mightier,
while wealth, intellect, and inherited nobility seemed never more
secure of holding their preeminence, silent social forces were at
work which were to undermine the whole glittering fabric, and
small bands of "insane" worshipers of a crucified malefactor in
Judea were preparing for the mightiest intellectual and religious
revolution the world has ever seen.

Although this chapter is necessarily long, it needs little in-
troduction. With the use of his general knowledge of the political
history, the student should sift and understand the various
extracts given. Thus focussed, the scattered pictures will at
length come together into a comprehensive panorama, and an
insight will be gained alike into the glory and the rottenness of
" Imperial Borne."

211

212 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

74 A DEBATE IN THE SENATE IN- IMPERIAL TIMES

Pliny the Younger, " Letters," book H, letter 11. Firth's Translation

The letter here presented from the correspondence of Pliny the
Younger will give a fairly clear idea of a typical debate in the
Senate during the reign of Trajan, and also of the extortions prac-
ticed by Roman governors upon the provincials. It ought to be
said that compared with Eepublican times such malfeasance in
office was comparatively and honorably rare. The Emperors, as a
rule, punished oppressive subordinates with a heavy hand, if for
no other reason than that it paid to keep the provincials contented.
Africa, which Priscus here named had ruled, was- under the direct
control of the Senate, not of the Emperor, and so more exposed to
lax administration.

Mariiis Prisons, on being accused by the people of Africa
whom he had ruled as proconsul, declined to defend him-
self before the Senate, and asked to have judges appointed
to hear the case. Cornelius Tacitus [the great historian]
and myself were instructed to appear [as advocates] for the
provincials, and we caine to the conclusion that we were
bound in honesty to our clients to notify the Senate that the
charges of inhumanity and cruelty against Priscus were too
serious to be heard by ordinary judges, inasmuch as he was
accused of taking bribes to condemn and even to put to death
innocent men

[After considerable debate the Senate ordered that the case
should be taken up temporarily by the judges, but that the
bribe givers should be summoned to Rome.] So these wit-
nesses came to Rome, Vitellius Honoratus and Flavins Mar-
tianus. Honoratus was charged with bribing Priscus to the
tune of 300,000 sesterces to exile a Roman eques and put
seven of his [non-noble] friends to death. Martianus was
accused of giving Priscus 700,000 sesterces to sentence one
Roman eques to still more grievous punishment for he was
beaten with rods, condemned to the mines, and then stran-

100 A. D.] DEBATE IN THE SENATE 213

gled in prison. Honoratus luckily for him escaped the
investigation of the Senate by dying. Martian us was
brought before the Senate when Priscus was not present
[and the case was postponed until the next meeting of the
Senate when it came up for disposal].

A very august assembly it was ! The Emperor [Trajan]
presided in his capacity as consul ; besides, the month of
January brings crowds of people to Rome, especially Sena-
tors ; l besides the importance of the case and its notoriety
increased by the very delays that had occurred and the
ingrained curiosity of all men to know all details of some-
thing very important, had made everybody flock to Kome
from all quarters. You can imagine how nervous and anx-
ious we were in having to speak in such a gathering, and in
the presence of the Emperor on such an important case.

However, as soon as I had pulled myself together and
collected my thoughts, I began my address, and though
I was nervous, I was on the best of terms with my audi-
ence. I spoke for nearly five hours, 2 for, besides the
twelve water clocks the biggest I could get which
had been assigned me, I obtained four others. And as
things turned out, everything I had feared beforehand
would prove an obstacle to a good speech, really helped
me.

Claudius Marcellinus answered me in behalf of Martianus
[one of the co-defendants], then the Senate was dismissed
and met again on the next day; for there was no time
to begin a fresh speech, as it would have been broken
off by the fall of night. On the following day Salvius
Liberalis, a man of shrewd wit, careful in the arrangement
of his speeches, with a pointed style and a fund of learning,
spoke for Priseus, and in his speech he certainly brought

1 Pliny would imply that .in the summer months the Senate meetings
were often very thin.

3 The Conscript Fathers were patient listeners!

214: PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

out all that he knew. Cornelius Tacitus replied to him
in a wonderfully eloquent address, marked by that lofty
dignity which is the chief charm of his oratory. Then
Fronto Catius made another speech on Priscus' s behalf,
and he spent more time in appeals for mercy than in
rebutting evidence as befited the part of the case he
had to deal with. Nightfall halted his speech, but did not
break it off altogether, and so the proceedings lasted over
into the third day. This was quite fine, and just as it
used to be, for the Senate to be interrupted by nightfall,
and for the members to be called upon to sit for three days
running.

Cornutus Tertullus, the consul-designate, a man of high
character, and a devoted champion of justice, gave as his
opinion that the seven hundred thousand sesterces that
Priscus had received should be confiscated to the Treasury ;
that Priscus should be banished from Rome and Italy, and
Martianus [the bribe giver] should be banished from Rome,
Italy, and Africa. 1 Toward the end of his speech, he added
that the Senate felt that, since Tacitus and I, who had been
summoned to plead for the provincials, had fulfilled our
duties with diligence and fearlessness, we had acted in a
manner worthy of the commission intrusted to us. The
other consul-designate agreed, and all the consulars 2 did
likewise, until it was Pompeius Collega's turn to speak.

He moved that the money received by Priscus be confis-
cated for the Treasury ; that Martianus should be banished
for five years [only], and Priscus should suffer no other
penalty than that for extortion [i.e. the loss of his dignities]
which had been already passed on him. Opinion was much
divided, and perhaps there was a majority in favor of [this]
less severe proposal for even some who had supported

1 Martianus had evidently a business residence in Africa ^so this was
a heavy penalty for him.

2 Ex-consuls.

112A.D.] PLINY'S LETTERS TO TRAJAN 215

Cormitus changed sides, and seemed ready to vote for
Collega, who had spoken after them. But when the House
divided, those who stood near the seats of the consuls l be-
gan to cross to the side of Cornutus. Then those who were
allowing themselves to be counted as supporters of Collega
also crossed over. He was with a mere handful of votes.
Later he complained bitterly of those who led him into his
proposal, especially of Regulus, 2 who failed to support the
measure he himself had suggested [should be made]. But
Regulus is a fickle fellow, rash to a degree, yet a great
coward to boot.

75. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF A PROVINCIAL GOVERNOR
AND THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

Pliny the Younger, " Letters," book X, letters 25 ff. Firth's Translation

About 112 A.D. Trajan appointed Pliny the Younger, a dis-
tinguished Senator and literary man, as governor of Bithynia
a province suffering from previous maladministration. The nature
of the governor's problems and the obligation he was under of re-
ferring very petty matters to the Emperor appears clearly in the
following letters. This correspondence of Trajan and Pliiiy (given
here only in small part) is among the most valuable bits of
historical data we have for the whole Imperial Age.

Pliny to Trajan :

The people of Prusa, Sire, have a public bath in a neglected
and dilapidated state. They wish with your kind per-
mission to restore it ; but I think a new one ought to be
built, and I reckon you can safely comply with their wishes.

[Then the governor names various ways to find the money,
especially cutting down the free distribution of oil.]

1 I.e. the Senators most in honor.

2 A wealthy, but very unscrupulous, lawyer and advocate, whom Pliny
regarded with especial aversion.

216 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

Trajan to Pliny ;

If the building of a new bath will not cripple the finances
of Prusa, we can indulge their wishes; only it must be
understood that no new taxes are to be raised to meet the
cost, and that their contributions for necessary expenses
shall not show any falling off.
Pliny to Trajan:

A desolating fire broke out in Nicomedia, and destroyed
a number of private houses, and two public buildings the
almshouse and the temple of Isis although a road ran be-
tween them. The fire was allowed to spread farther than
it need, first owing to the violent wind; second, to the
laziness of the citizens, it being generally agreed they stood
idly by without moving, and simply watched the conflagra-
tion. Besides there was not a single public fire engine or
bucket in the place, and not one solitary appliance for
mastering a fire. However, these will be provided upon
orders I have already given. But, Sire, I would have you
consider whether you think a fire company of about 150
men ought not to be formed ? I will take care that no one
not a genuine fireman shall be admitted, and that the guild
should not misapply the charter granted it. Again there
would be no trouble in keeping an eye on so small a body.

Trajan to Pliny:

You have formed the idea of a possible fire company at
^Ticomedia on the model of various others already existing ;
but remember that the province of Bithynia, and especially
city states like Nicomedia, are the prey of factions. Give
them the name we may, and however good be the reasons
for organization, such associations will soon degenerate into
[dangerous] secret societies. It is better policy to provide
fire apparatus, and to encourage property holders to make
use of them, and if need conies, press the crowd which
collects into the same service.

112A.D.] PLINY'S LETTERS TO TRAJAN 217

Pliny to Trajan:

Sire, the people of Mcomedia spent 3,229,000 sesterces
[about $130,000] upon an aqueduct, which was left in an
unfinished state, and I may say in ruin, and they also
levied taxes to the extent of 2,000,000 ses. [80,000] for a
second one. This, too, has been abandoned, and to get a
water supply those who have wasted these vast sums must
go to a new expense. I have visited a splendid clear spring,
from which it seems to me the supply ought to be brought
to the town [and have formed a scheme that seems practi-
cable].

Trajan to Pliny :

Steps must certainly be taken to provide Nicomedia with
a water supply ; and I have full confidence you will under-
take the duty with all due care. But I profess it is also
part of your diligent duty to find out who is to blame for
the waste of such sums of money by the people of Nicomedia
on their aqueducts, and whether or no there has been any
serving of private interests in this beginning and then
abandoning of [public] works. See that you bring to my
knowledge whatever you find out.

Pliny to Trajan:

The theater at Kicsea, Sire, the greater part of which
has already been constructed though it is still unfinished

has already cost over 10,000,000 sesterces [$400,000];

at least so I am told, for the accounts have not been
made out ; and I am fearful lest the money has been thrown
away. Tor the building has sunk and there are great gaping
crevices to be seen, either because the ground is damp, or
owing to the [bad quality] of the stone. [It is doubtful if
the affair is worth completing.] Just before I came the
Nicseans also began to restore the public gymnasium, which
had been destroyed by fire, on a larger scale than the old

218 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

building, and they have already disbursed a considerable
sum thereon, and I fear to little purpose [for it is very ill
cons true ted J. Moreover the architect the rival, to be
sure, of the man who began the work asserts that the
walls, although twenty-two feet thick cannot bear the
weight placed upon them, because they have not been put
together with cement in the middle and nave not been
strengthened with brickwork. [At Claudiopolis too the
public money, it seems, is being wasted on some vast public
baths. What is Pliny to do in both cases ?]

Trajan to Pliny :

You are the best judge of what to do at Nicaea. It will
be enough for me to be informed of the plan you adopt.
All Greek peoples have a passion for gymnasia, so perhaps
the people of ISTicaea have set about building one on a rather
lavish scale, but they must be content to cut their coat ac-
cording to their cloth. You again must decide what advice
to give the people of Claudiopolis.

Pliny to Trajan:

"When I asked for a statement of the expenditures of the
city of Byzantium which are abnormally high it was
pointed out to me, Sire, that a delegate was sent every year
with a complimentary decree to pay his respects to you, and
that he received 12,000 sesterces [$480] for so doing.
Bemembering your instructions [I ordered him to stay at
home and to forward the decree by me] in order to lighten
the expenses. [I beg you to tell whether I have done
right.]

Trajan to Pliny:

You have done quite right, my dear Pliny, in canceling
the expenditure of the Byzantines ... for that delegate. . . .
They will in the future do their duty well enough, even
though the decree alone is sent me through you.

112A.D.] PLINY'S LETTERS TO TRAJAN 219

Pliny to Trajan :

Sire, a person named Julius Largus of Pontus, whom 1
have never seen or heard of before, has intrusted me with
the management of his property with which he seeks to
prove his loyalty to you. For he has asked me in his will
to undertake as heir the division of his property, and after
keeping 50,000 sesterces [$2000], hand over all the remain-
der to the free cities of Heraclea and Teos. He leaves it to
my discretion whether I think it better to erect public
works and dedicate them to your glory, or to start an
athletic festival, to be held every five years, and to be called
the "Trajan Games." I have decided to lay the facts
before you [and ask your decision],

Trajan to Pliny :

Julius Largus, in picking you out for your trustworthi-
ness, has acted as though he knew you intimately. So do
you consider the circumstances of each place, and the best
means of perpetuating his memory, and follow the course
you think best.

Pliny's Dealings with the Christians
Pliny to Trajan : l

It is my custom, Sire, to refer to you in all cases where I
am in doubt, for who can better clear up difficulties and
inform me ? I have never been present at any legal exami-
nation of the Christians, and I do not know, therefore, what
are the usual penalties passed upon them, or the limits of
those penalties, or how searching an inquiry should be
made. I have hesitated a great deal in considering whether
any distinctions should be drawn according to the ages of

1 This letter about the Christians is of unique value. It proves clearly
that in Pliny's time the Christians in Asia Minor were decidedly numerous,
and it sets forth some of the difficulties the government confronted in
dealing with them.

220 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

the accused; whether the weak should be punished as
severely as the more robust, or whether the man who has
once been a Christian gained anything by recanting ?
[Again] whether the name [of being a Christian], even
though otherwise innocent of crime, should be punished, or
only the crimes that gather around it ?

In the meantime, this is the plan which I have adopted
in the case of those Christians who have been brought
before me. I ask them whether they are Christians, if
they say " Yes," then I repeat the question the second time,
and also a third warning them of the penalties involved ;
and if they persist, I order them away to prison. For I do
not doubt that be their admitted crime what it may
their pertinacity and inflexible obstinacy surely ought to be
punished.

There were others who showed similar mad folly, whom
I reserved to be sent to Rome, as they were Roman citizens.
Later, as is commonly the case, the mere fact of my enter-
taining the question led to a multiplying of accusations and
a variety of cases were brought before me. An anonymous
pamphlet was issued, 1 containing a number of names [of
alleged Christians]. Those who denied that they were
or had been Christians and called upon the gods with
the usual formula, reciting the words after me, and those
who offered incense and wine before your image which I
had ordered to be brought forward for this purpose, along
with the [regular] statues of the gods, all such I consid-
ered acquitted, especially as they cursed the name of
Christ, which it is said bona fide Christians cannot be in-
duced to do.

Still others there were, whose names were supplied by an

informer. These first said they were Christians, then denied

it, insisting they had been, " but were so no longer n ; some

of them having " recanted many years ago/ 3 and more than

i Probably the work of the Pagan priests.

112A.D.] PLINY'S LETTERS TO TRAJAN 221

one " full twenty years back." These all worshiped your
image and the god's statues and cursed the name of Christ.

But they declared their guilt or error was simply this
on a fixed day they used to meet before dawn and recite a
hymn among themselves to Christ, as though he were a god.
So far from binding themselves by oath to commit any
crime, they swore to keep from theft, robbery, adultery,
breach of faith, and not to deny any trust money deposited
with them when called upon to deliver it. This ceremony
over, they used to depart and meet again to take food but
it was of no special character, and entirely harmless. 1 They
[also] had ceased from this practice after the edict [I
issued] by which, in accord with your orders, I forbade
all secret societies.

I then thought it the more needful to get at the facts be-
hind their statements. Therefore I placed two women,
called " deaconesses," under torture, but I found only a de-
based superstition carried to great lengths, 2 so I postponed
my examination, and immediately consulted you. This
seems a matter worthy of your [prompt] consideration,
especially as so many people are endangered. Many of all
ages and both sexes are put in peril of their lives by their
accusers ; and the process will go on, for the contagion of
this superstition has spread not merely through the free
towns, but into the villages and farms. Still I think it can
be halted and things set right. Beyond any doubt, the
temples which were nigh deserted are beginning again
to be thronged with worshipers; the sacred rites, which
long have lapsed, are now being renewed, and the food for
the sacrificial victims is again finding a sale though up to
recently it had almost no market. So one can safely infer

1 Christians were accused of fearful orgies and cannibalism.

2 Note the irony of this statement. We know that Pliny was a high-
minded, honorable, and kindly man, who would surely have found a vast
deal to commend in Christianity if he had truly understood it.

222 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

how vast numbers could be reclaimed, if only there were a
chance given for repentance.

Trajan to Pliny:

You have adopted the right course, my dear Pliny, in
examining the cases of those cited before you as Christians ;
for no hard and fast rule can be laid down covering such a
wide question. The Christians are not to be hunted out.
If brought before you, and the offense is proved, they are
to be punished, but with this reservation if any one denies
he is a Christian, and makes it clear he is not, by offering
prayer to our gods, then he is to be pardoned on his recanta-
tion, no matter how suspicious his past. As for anonymous
pamphlets, they are to be discarded absolutely, whatever
crime they may charge, for they are not only a precedent of
a very bad type, but they do not accord with the spirit of
our age.

76. A BUSINESS PANIC IN EOME

Tacitus, "Annals," book VI, chaps. 16-17. Church and Broadrib's
Translation

In 33 A.D. occurred a direful business panic in Rome, which
probably caused far more stir than the report very likely that
year of a petty outbreak in Judaea against the procurator Pontius
Pilate. A careful study of the story will reveal a good deal as to
business conditions at Rome, the state of the currency, the laws
as to the taking of interest, etc.

[At this time, 33 A.D.] a powerful host of accusers fell
with sudden fury on the class which systematically in-
creased its wealth by usury in defiance of the law of Caesar
the Dictator, defining the terms of lending money, and of
holding estates in Italy, a law long obsolete because the
public good is sacrificed to private interest. The curse of
usury was indeed of old standing in Eome, and a most fre-
quent cause of sedition and discord, and it was therefore

33 A.D.] A BUSINESS PANIC IN ROME 223

repressed even in the early days of a less corrupt morality.
[Various laws were enacted to check it.] On this occasion,
however, Gracchus the prsetor, to whose jurisdiction the
inquiry had fallen, felt himself compelled by the number
of persons endangered to refer the matter to the Senate.
In their dismay, the Senators, not one of whom was free
from similar guilt, threw themselves on the Emperor's
indulgence. He yielded, and a year and six months was
granted within which every one was to settle his private
accounts conformably to the requirements of the law.

Hence followed a scarcity of money, a great shock being
given to all credit, the current coin too, in consequence of
the conviction of so many persons, and the sale of their
property, being locked up in the imperial Treasury or the
public exchequer. To meet this, the Senate had directed
that every creditor should have two thirds of his capital
secured on estates in Italy. Creditors, however, were suing
for payment in full, and it was not respectable for persons
when sued to break faith. So, at first, there were clamorous
meetings and importunate entreaties; then noisy applica-
tions to the praetor's court. And the very device intended
as a remedy, the sale and purchase of estates, proved the
contrary, as the usurers had hoarded up all their money for
the buying of land.

The facilities for selling were followed by a fall in prices,
and the deeper a man was in debt, the more reluctantly did
he part with his property, and many were utterly ruined.
The destruction of private wealth precipitated the fall of
rank and reputation; till at last the Emperor interposed
his aid by distributing throughout the banks 100,000,000
sesterces [$4,000,000], and allowing freedom to borrow
without interest for three years, provided the borrower gave
security to the state in land to double the amount. Credit
was thus restored, and gradually private lenders were
found. The purchase, too, of estates was not carried out,

224 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

according to the letter of the Senate's decree, rigor at the
outset, as usual with such matters, becoming negligent in
the end.

77 SuaraiARY OF SOME BENEFACTIONS TO ROMAN" CITIES
BY PRIVATE INDIVIDUALS

Summarized from Duruy, "History of Rome"

The Imperial Age was one of great benevolence if we are willing
to give that name to acts of generosity which were often too showy
and ostentatious to merit the highest praise. The cases here
cited are nearly all (except that of Pliny) based upon the evidence
of inscriptions.

Ummidia Quadratilla built at Casinum an amphitheater
and a temple.

Secundus at Bordeaux built an aqueduct costing 2,000,000
ses [$80,000].

Perigrinus [a character in Lucian] is represented as giv-
ing during his lifetime his whole property, 30 talents, to
his native city.

Crinas of Marseilles expended 10,000,000 sesterces
[$400,000] in rebuilding the walls of that city.

The two brothers Stertinus l gave a still larger sum than
the last for erecting public buildings in their native Naples.

Hiero gave 2000 talents [over $2,000,000] to Laodicea,
his native town.

The younger Pliny spent on his native town of Como,
11,000,000 ses. [$440,000], though by no means a very rich
man. He founded a library, a school, and a charity insti-
tute for poor children; also a temple to Ceres, with spacious
porticoes to shelter tradespeople who came to the fair held
in honor of that goddess. His grandfather had already built

i One of these men was a famous physician who boasted that he gained
600,000 ses. ($24,000) by yearly fees.

90A.D.J PHASES OF LIFE IN ROME 225

for the town a costly portico, and provided the money for
decorating the city gates.

[Like instances of civic spirit and benevolence could be multi-
plied ad infinitum,]

78. MARTIAL ON PHASES OF LIFE IN EOME

Martial, "Epigrams," book IX, 3. Bohn Translation

In the reign of Domitian the capital was utterly overrun by
a discordant, heterogeneous multitude of foreigners, making the
city resemble New York or Chicago of to-day, and almost swamping
the old Italian element. The courtly poet seizes the fact to pay a
compliment to the Emperor.

What race is so distant from us, what race is so barbar-
ous, Caesar, that from it no spectator is present in thy
city! The cultivator of Bhodope 1 is here from Hsemus 1
[sacred to] Orpheus. The Scythian who drinks the blood
of his horses is here ; he, too, who quaffs the waters of the
Nile nearest their springing; and he also whose shore is
laved by the most distant ocean. The Arabian has hastened
hither ; the Sabseans have hastened ; and here the Cilicians
have anointed themselves with their own native perfume.
Here come the Sicambrians with their hair all twisted into a
knot, and here the frizzled Ethiopians. Yet though their
speech is all so different, they all speak together hailing
thee [0 Emperor] as the true father of thy country.

[Home had her great shopping district (mainly on streets lead-
ing into the Forum), and seemingly her " department stores " ; also
her class of inveterate shoppers, as Martial here testifies. (Epi-
grams, IX, 49.)]

Mamurra, after liaving walked long and anxiously in the
bazaars where golden Rome proudly displayed her riches,
examined the handsome young slaves, yes devoured them
1 High mountains in Thrace.

226 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

with his eyes not those slaves exposed in the open shops,
but th^se kept for [sale to] select people in private rooms,
and are not exhibited to common folk, such as I. Tired of
this inspection he uncovers various tables, square ones and
round; next asks to see some rich ivory ornaments dis-
played on the upper shelves. Then, after four times
measuring a dinner couch for six guests, all adorned as it
was with tortoise shell, he regretted sorrowfully " that it
was not big enough for his citron wood table." He consulted
Ms nose to find out if the bronzes had the true Corinthian
aroma, and criticized some statues by Polycletus! Next,
complaining that some crystal vases had been spoiled by
mixing in glass, he marked and had set aside ten myrrhine
cups. He weighed ancient bowls, and inquired for goblets
that had been ennobled by the hand of Mentor, He counted
emeralds set in chased gold, and examined the largest pearl
ear-pendants. He sought on every counter for real sar-
donyxes, and cheapened some large jaspers. At last, when
forced by fatigue to retire, at the eleventh hour he bought
two small cups for one small coin and bore them home
himself. 1

[What a modest dinner party ought to be like is thus expounded.
(Epigrams, X, 48.)]

The priesthood of Isis proclaim the eighth hour, 2 and the
guard with their javelins march back to quarters. Now
the warm baths have reached the right temperature; an
hour before they exhaled a dreadful excess of steam; at
nocn the baths of Nero had been insufferably hot. Stella,
Nepos, Canius, Cerialis, Flaccus, are you coming to dine with
me? The dinner couch holds seven, we are only six:

1 Anybody of real gentility would at least have had a slave to carry
his purchases.

2 Two o'clock. The hours seem to have heen called off at the Temple
of Isis.

50 B.C.] HOW HORACE GOT AN EDUCATION 227

so add Lupus. My bailiff's wife has brought me mallows
to aid digestion, and other treasures of the garden, lettuce^
sliced leeks, and mint ; slices of egg shall crown, anchovies
dressed with rue ; and there shall be sows' teats swimming
in tunny sauce. These will serve as whets to our appetite.
My little dinner will be put on the table at once. There
will be a kid snatched from the jaws of a hungry wolf;
that will be nice tidbits that do not need to be carved;
there will be haricot beans, and young cabbages. To these
a chicken will be added ; and a ham that has already graced
the table thrice. For dessert I will give ripe fruits, wine
from a Nomentan flagon [of a choice old vintage]. All
shall be seasoned with mirth free from bitterness; there
shall be no license of speech that brings repentance on the
morrow, and nothing shall be said that we would wish
unsaid. 1 But my guests may talk of the rival factions of
the circus, and my cups shall make no man guilty [of in-
discretions].

79. How HORACE GOT AIT EDUCATION

Horace, "Satires," book I, 6, 11. 70-90. Adapted from the Bohn Transla-
tion

During tlie later Republic and Early Empire the craving for a
good education was probably more prevalent than in any other age,
barring the present. Even the lower classes were not usually
illiterate (witness the numerous wall scribblings at Pompeii), al-
though there was no system of free public schools. What one
father did to give Ms son all possible advantages is told in this
noble and touching tribute by Horace.

If I dare venture to speak in my own praise, and say that
I live undefiled, innocent, and dear to my friends, let me
confess that I owe all this to my father. A poor man he
was, and on a lean farm, yet he was not content to send me

1 I.e. vain talk on political matters which might be seized upon by
professional " accusers " [delatores] for ruinous prosecutions.

228 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

to a local school [at Venusia, his home town] under the
pedant Elavius, though boys of pretensions, sons of promi-
nent centurions, went there with their school bags and writ-
ing tablets slung over their left arms, and carrying their
teacher the fee in their hands on the Ides of eight months
in the year. 1 On the contrary, he had the spirit to bring
me even as a child to Rome, to be taught those liberal arts
which a senator or eques requires for his children. If any
one had seen my dress and the slaves that attended me in
the big city, he would have guessed that I was maintained
by some hereditary estate. My father most faithful of
guardians was ever present at all my studies. 2 Why
need I say more? He preserved my modesty (the first
point of virtue) not merely untainted, but free from the
very rumor of taint. He was not afraid lest any one should
reproach him [for giving an education to a son] who turned
out to be an auctioneer, or as my father was, a taxgatherer.
I should not then have complained. But all the more is
praise due to him, and from me the greater gratitude. As
long as I keep my senses I will never be ashamed of such a
father, nor apologize for my [humble] birth as do so many,
asserting "it is no fault of theirs."

80. How PiJijnr ENDOWED A SCHOOL

Pliny the Younger, "Letters," booklV, letter 13. Firth's Translation

The following letter by Pliny to the famous historian Tacitus is
witness to the interest taken in education under the Empire. The
school here mentioned was, of course, not a mere primary school,
that existed surely already at Comum, but one of the higher
learning. Pliny's munificence was by no means unique. Prob-

1 Roman schoolmasters were paid usually once per month for the eight
months per year that school was kept.

2 He did not let Ms son fall into the care of an irresponsible slave ped-
agogue.

100 A.D.] HOW PLINY ENDOWED A SCHOOL 229

ably in no other age was so much money donated by wealthy men for
education, especially in their home towns, until recently in
America.

[This letter contains a request] let me tell you why I ask
it. When I was last in my native district [Comum, Itforth
Italy] a son of a fellow townsman of mine, a youth under
age, came to pay his respects to me. I said to him, "Do you
keep up your studies ? " " Yes," he answered. " Where ? "
I asked. " At Milan/' was the reply. " But why not
here ? " I pressed. Then the lad's father, who was with him,
, . . said, " Because we have no teachers here." " How is
that ? " I asked. " It is a matter of urgent importance to
you who are fathers," and it so chanced that luckily quite
a number of fathers were listening to me, 1 "that your
children should get their education here at home."

" For where can they pass their time so pleasantly as in
their native town, where can they be brought up so virtuously
as under their parent's eyes ; or so inexpensively as at home ?
If you put your money together, you could hire teachers at
a trifling cost, and you could add to their stipends the sum
you now spend on your son's lodgings and travel money
no small sum. I have no children of my own, still, in the
interests of the community which I may consider as my
child or my parent I am ready to contribute a third part of
what you may decide to club together upon. I would even
promise the whole sum if I did not fear that if I did so, my
generosity might be corrupted to serve private interests, as
I see is the case in many places where teachers are employed
at the public charge. There is only one way of preventing
the evil, and that is by leaving the right of employing the
teachers to the parents alone, who will be careful to make
a right choice if they are obliged to find [part of] the

1 We may imagine the conversation taking place in a crowded atrium,
where many provincial gentlemen had come to pay respects to their very
distinguished townsman. Pliny was consul in 100 A.D.

230 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

money. 1 You cannot make your children a better present
tlian this, nor can you do your place a better turn."

And now [my friend Tacitus] since this is a serious matter,
I beg you to look out for some teachers among the throng
of learned men who gather around you, whom we can sound
on the matter, but not in such a way as to pledge ourselves
to employ any of them. For I wish to give the parents a
perfectly free hand. They must judge and choose for
themselves: I have only a sympathetic interest and a share
in the cost. So if you find any one who thinks himself
capable, let him go to Comum, but on the express under-
standing that he builds upon no certainty beyond his con-
fidence in himself. Farewell.

81. FLOGG-ING SCHOOLMASTEES AT EOMB
Martial, "Epigrams," book X, 62. Adapted from Bohn Translation

That the Roman schoolmasters, no less than their Greek prede-
cessors, relied on the scourge to quicken slow wits is shown in
the following from this writer of the end of the first century A.D.

Sir Schoolmaster show pity upon your simple scholars,
at least if you wish to have many a long-haired boy attend-
ant upon your lectures, and the class seated around your
critical table love you. Then would no teacher of arith-
metic or swift writing * have a greater ring of pupils around
him. Hot and bright are the days now under the flaming
constellation of the lion; and fervid July is ripening the
bursting harvest. So let your Scythian scourge with its
dreadful thongs, such as flogged Marsyas of Celaenae, 8 and
your formidable cane the schoolmaster's scepter be laid
aside, and sleep until the Ides of October. Surely in sum-
mer time, if the boys keep their health, they do enough.

1 Pliny is evidently thinking of Roman towns where the schools had
" gone into politics " with the usnal unhappy results.

2 A kind of shorthand.

8 Who rashly challenged Apollo to a flute contest.

BENEFICENCE OF THE EMPIRE 231

82. CONTEMPORARY TESTIMONY TO THE G-BEATNJSSS AND
BENEFICENCE OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

Collected in Duruy, "History of Rome," vol. VI

There is a wealth of evidence that from the days of Augustus
down, say, to the death of Alexander Severus (235 A.D.) the Roman
Empire was regarded as an almost unqualified success. This is
true not merely of the ruling classes, but especially true with the
provincials ; indeed for long the latter, who were the direct benefici-
aries of the law, order, and good government brought by the Caesars,
were far more enthusiastic about the Imperial regime than the
lordly senatorial families which had been omnipotent in the days
of the Republic.

Plutarch speaks of Rome, though a firm admirer himself
of conquered Greece, as "a sacred and beautiful goddess,"
and again, as "the firm anchor which, stops and holds
securely all things human in the midst of the whirlwind
by which they are driven."

Aristeides the Orator, writing in the reign of Antoninus
Pius, thus apostrophizes the Roman power, "Men have laid*
off their iron armor to put on festal garments, and your
provinces are covered with rich cities, jewels of your Em-
pire, which glitter like the costly necklace of a rich matron.
Your land is but one immense garden."

Tertullian (a strict Christian, and no friendly critic of
Pagan power) thus speaks of the empire, writing about
200 A.D. (De Anima, 30) : " The world is every day better
known, better cultivated and more wealthy. The roads
are open to commerce. The deserts are changed into fruit-
ful domains ; agriculture is pursued where once rose forests ;
sowing, where once could be seen only barren rocks. Drained
are the marshes. No more do the flocks fear the wild beast
No longer is there any island to fill men with horror ; no
rocks to strike them with fear. Everywhere there are
houses, people, cities. Everywhere there is life!"

232 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

Appian, the second-century historian, says less rhetori-
cally on the same subject (Prsef., 6): "For two hundred
years this imperial system has lasted. In that period the
city [of Home] has been adorned in a marvelous manner,
the revenues of the Empire have been increased, and by the
blessing of continual peace the [provincial] peoples have
attained to the height of happiness."

A maxim of the Emperor Tiberius well illustrates the
attitude of the imperial government, touching the taxation
of the provincials, " A good shepherd shears his sheep, but
does not flay them."

83. THE GREAT BUILDINGS IN EOME ABOUT 75 A.D.

Pliny the Elder, " Natural History," book XXXVI, chap. 24. Bohn
Translation

We have this description, written about 75 A.D., of some of
the remarkable buildings and other public works at Borne, which
made the city unrivaled in Antiquity, and venerable and wonder-
ful to-day.

[In great buildings] as well as in other things the rest
of the world has been outdone by us Eomans. If, indeed,
all the buildings in our City are considered in the aggregate,
and supposing them so to say all thrown together in
one vast mass, the united grandeur of them would lead
one to imagine that we were describing another world,
accumulated in a single spot.

Not to mention among our great works the Circus Max-
imus, that was built by the Dictator Csesar one stadium
broad and three in length and occupying with the ad-
jacent buildings no less than four jugera [about 2 acres]
with room for no less than 160,000 spectators seated, am
I not, however, to include in the number of our magnificent
structures the Basilica of Paulus with its admirable Phry-
gian columns [built also in Julius Caesar's day], the

75A.D.] GREAT BUILDINGS IX ROME 233

Forum of the late Emperor Augustus, the Temple of Peace
erected by the Emperor Vespasian Augustus some of
the finest work the world has ever seen ? [and many
others].

We behold with admiration pyramids that were built
by kings, while the very ground alone that was purchased
by the Dictator Caesar, for the construction of his Forum,
cost 100,000,000 sesterces [$4,000,000]. If, too, an enor-
mous expenditure has its attractions for any one whose
mind is influenced by money matters, be it known that
the house in which Glodius [Cicero's enemy] dwelt . . .
was purchased by him at a price of 14,800,000 sesterces
[$5^2,000] a thing which I for my part look upon as
no less astonishing than the monstrous follies that have
been displayed by kings.

[Frequently praise is given to the great sewer system
of Rome.] There are seven "rivers" made to flow, by
artificial channels, beneath the city. Rushing onward like
so many impetuous torrents, they are compelled to carry
off and sweep away all the sewerage ; and swollen as they
are by the vast accession of the rain water, they reverberate
against the sides and bottoms of their channels. Occasion-
ally too the Tiber, overflowing, is thrown backward in its
course, and discharges itself by these outlets. Obstinate
is the struggle that ensues between the meeting tides, but
so firm and solid is the masonry that it is able to offer an
effectual resistance. Enormous as are the accumulations
that are carried along above, the work of the channels
never gives way. Houses falling spontaneously to ruins,
or leveled with the ground by conflagrations are continu-
ally battering against them; now and then the ground is
shaken by earthquakes, and yet built as they were in
the days of Tarquinius Priscus, seven hundred years ago
these constructions have survived, all but unharmed.

[ Passing to the dwellings of the city ] in the consulship

23-i PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

of Lepidus and Catulus [78 B.C.] we learn on good author-
ity there was not in all Rome a finer house than that belong-
ing to Lepidus himself, but yet by Hercules ! within
twenty-five years the very same house did not hold the hun-
dredth rank simply in the City ! x Let anybody calculate
if he please considering this fact, the vast masses of mar-
ble, the productions of painters, the regal treasures that must
have been expended in bringing these hundred mansions to
vie with one that in its day had been the most sumptuous
and celebrated in all the City ; and then let him reflect that,
since then and down to the present, these houses had all
of them been surpassed by others without number. There
can be no doubt that the great fires [ in Rome ] are a pun-
ishment inflicted upon us for our luxury; but such are our
habits, that in spite of such warnings, we cannot be made to
understand that there are things in existence more perish-
able than even man himself.

But let us now turn our attention to some marvels that,
if justly appreciated, may be pronounced to remain unsur-
passed. Quintus Marcius Rex [praetor in 144 B.C.] upon
being commanded by the Senate to repair the Appian Aque-
duct and that of the Anio, constructed during his prsetorship
a new aqueduct that bore his name, and was brought
hither by a channel pierced through the very sides of moun-
tains. Agrippa [prime minister of Augustus] during his
sedileship, united the Marcian and the " Virgin " Aqueducts
and repaired and strengthened the channels of others. He
also formed 700 wells, in addition to 500 fountains, and 130
reservoirs, many of them magnificently adorned. Upon
these works too he erected 300 statues of marble or bronze,
and 400 marble columns, and all this in the space of a
single year! In the work which he has written in com-
memoration of his sedileship, he also informs us that public
games were celebrated for the space of fifty-seven days and
1 Not to mention, of course, the notable country villas.

73 A.D.] EXTENT OF THE CITY OF ROME 235

170 gratuitous bathing places were opened [to the public].
The number of these [public baths] at Kome has vastly
increased since his time.

The preceding aqueducts, however, have all been surpassed
by the costly work which has more recently been completed
by the Emperors Gaius [Caligula] and Claudius. Under
these princes the Curtian and the Cserulean Waters 'with
the "Kew Anio" were brought a distance of forty miles,
and at so high a level that all the hills whereon Rome
is built were supplied with water. The sum expended
on these works was 350,000,000 sesterces [$14,000,000],
If we take into account the abundant supply of water to
the public, for baths, ponds, canals, household purposes,
gardens, places in the suburbs and country houses, and then
reflect upon the distances that are traversed [from the
sources on the hills], the arches that have been constructed,
the mountains pierced, the valleys leveled, we must per-
force admit that there is nothing more worthy of our ad-
miration throughout the whole universe.

84. THE EXTENT OF THE CITY OF ROME

Pliny the Elder, " Natural History," book HI, chap. 9. Bohn Translation

The following short sketch of Rome, its streets, buildings, etc,,
is given us by a careful author, writing in the reign of Vespasian
(69-79 A.D.). While the area of Rome was far inferior to various
great modem capitals, probably the masses of the population -were
so compactly housed that the inhabitants in Pliny's time numbered
well up to 1,500,000, although any estimates must he very un-
certain.

Bomulus left the city of Borne, if we are to believe those
who state the very greatest number, with only three gates,
and no more. When the Vespasians l were Emperors and
Censors in the year of the building of the city, 826 [73 A.D.]

i Titus was colleague with his father, Vespasian.

236 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

the circumference of the walls which surrounded it was
thirteen and two-fifths miles. Surrounding as it does the
Seven Hills, the city is divided into fourteen districts, with
265 crossroads under the guardianship of the Lares. 1 If a
straight line is drawn from the mile column placed at the
entrance of the Forum to each of the gates, which are at
present thirty-seven in number taking care to count only
once the twelve double gates, and to omit the seven old ones,
which no longer exist the total result will be a straight
line of twenty miles and 765 paces. But if we draw a
straight line from the same mile column to the very last of
the houses, including therein the Praetorian camp [in the
suburb] and follow throughout the line ol the streets, the
result will be something over seventy miles. Add to these
calculations the [great] height of the houses, and then a
person may form a fair idea of this city, and surely he must
confess that no other place in the world can vie with it
in size.

On the eastern side it is bounded by the mound (agger) of
Tarquinius Superbus a work of surpassing grandeur; for
he raised it so high as to be on a level with the walls on the
side on which the city lay most exposed to attack from the
neighboring plains. On all the other sides it has been forti-
fied either with lofty walls, or steep and precipitous hills ;
yet it has come to pass, that the buildings of Rome in-
creasing and extending beyond all bounds have now
united many [outlying] towns to it. 2

85. THE COLLAPSE OF HOUSES AND THE FIRES IN BOMB

Strabo, " Geography," book V, chap. 3. Bonn Translation

Only the upper classes at Rome dwelt in marble palaces. The
majority of people lodged in insulce, huge tenement houses, high,

1 A little chapel to the Lares would stand at each crossing.

2 Thus the houses were practically continuous all the way to Tibur,
Arcia, and other suburban towns.

94 A.D.] MANIA FOR LITERARY FAME 237

ill ventilated, unsanitary. Often these must have been vile rook-
eries, but fortunately in Italy one can live most of the time in the
open air. Houses of this type were exposed to constant danger
by collapse or conflagration, as is told by Strabo.

[In Rome there is continual need] of wood and store for
ceaseless building caused by the frequent falling down of
houses, and on account of conflagrations and of sales which
seem, never to cease. These sales are a kind of voluntary
falling down of houses, each owner knocking down and re-
building according to his individual taste. For these pur-
poses the numerous quarries, forests, and rivers [in the
region] which convey the materials, offer wonderful facilities.

Augustus Csesar endeavored to avert from the city the
dangers alluded to, and instituted a company of freedmen,
who should be ready to lend their assistance in the case of
conflagration, while as a preventive against falling houses
he decreed that all new buildings should not be carried to
the same height as formerly, and those erected along the
public ways should not exceed seventy feet in height. 1 But
these improvements must have ceased except for the facilities
afforded [to Rome] by the quarries, the forests, and the ease
of transport.

86. THE MANIA FOB LITEBAET PAKE IN IMPERIAL TIMES

Friedlaender, ' ' Roman Life and Manners," English Translation, vol. HI, p, 45

A well-known German writer has collected these instances of the
intense yearning of the men of the Empire for literary celebrity.
Vast quantities of Greek and Latin prose and poetry were ground
out, and inflicted on the age. It is a pathetic sign of the decline
of true literary taste and ability that so little of what once passed
as the work of genius has survived ; while probably most of what
was lost deserved its fate I

1 Rome was evidently cursed with many flimsily constructed " sky
scrapers." Trajan about a hundred years after Augustus reduced the
maximum building height to only sixty feet.

238 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

The grave of a Koman boy, apparently the son of a f reed-
man, named Quintus Sulpicius Maxim us, who died early in
his twelfth year, has been discovered at Borne. According
to the inscription on his tomb, he competed for the prize in
the Capitoline agon 1 in the year 94, with fifty-two Greek
poets ; " owing to the talent he displayed, the favor which
his tender years aroused became admiration ; he came out of
the contest with honor." The 43 Greek hexameters impro-
vised by him on the theme "What Zeus said when he
reproached Helios for lending his chariot to Phaethon "(proba-
bly a common subject for the rhetoric schools) were engraved
upon the monument, " that it might not be thought the
parents were influenced in their judgment by their affection."
They give evidence of a diligent study of the Greek epic.
Of two Greek epigrams in praise of the deceased, one asserts
that sickness and exhaustion carried him off, since he de-
voted himself day and night to the Muses.

In 110 the thirteen-year-old Lucius Valerius Prudens of
Histonium [an Italian town] was unanimously awarded the
prize.

Besides the Capitoline contest, Dornitian held another
competition yearly on March 19, the festival of Minerva, the
object of his special worship at his country seat near Alba.
One of the members of a college founded by the Emperor,
elected by lot to preside, superintended the arrangements j
in addition to theatrical representations and magnificent
combats of wild beasts, there were oratorial and poetical
competitions. As late as the fourth century poets as well
as athletes and musicians took part in the Pythian agon
(contest) at Carthage, as is shown by Saint Augustine's
mention of his own coronation as a poet by the proconsul
[of Africa].

1 A contest especially between composers of Greek and Latin poetry.

100A.D.] ORATORY IN THE ROMAN COURTS 239

87. ORATORY IK* THE ROMAN COURTS

Pliny the Younger, "Letters," book H, letter 14. Firth's Translation

As political freedom gradually ceased under the Empire, oratory
was more and more confined to the courts but iu the argument
of cases an interest was maintained that was often entirely dispro-
portionate to the importance of the suit. Forensic oratory was
practically the only public way a young man of good family could
distinguish himself unless he joined the army. In the opinion of
true lovers of the art, however, by 100 A.D. the advocate's profes-
sion was in a very bad state, and in great danger of falling into
contempt. Its evils and abuses are here explained by Pliny.

Yes [you Maximus, my correspondent] are quite right :
my time is fully taken up by cases in the Centumvtral
Court, but they give me more worry than pleasure, for most
of them are of a minor and unimportant nature. [Most of
the advocates are young men without standing, and] make
their first beginnings on the hardest subjects. Yet, by
Heaven, before my time to use an old man's phrase not
even the highest-born youths had any standing here, unless
they were introduced by a man of consular rank.

Now all modesty and respect are thrown to the winds,
and one man is as good as another. So far from being
introduced they burst in. The audiences follow them as if
they were actors, bought and paid to do so ; the agent [of
the orator] is there to meet them in the middle of the court-
house (basilica), where the doles of money are handed over
as openly as doles of food at a banquet ; and they are ready
to pass from one court to another for a bribe. [They are
made fun of for their readiness to cry " bravo "] yet this
disgraceful practice gets worse every day. Festerday two
of my own nomenclators young men I admit, about the
age of those who have just assumed the toga were enticed
off to join the claque for three denarii [about 50 cents]

240 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

apiece. Such is the outlay you must make to get a reputa-
tion for eloquence !

At that price you can fill the benches, however many
there are ; you can obtain a great throng and get thunders
of applause as soon as the conductor gives the signal. For
a signal is absolutely necessary for people who do not
understand, and do not even listen to the speeches ; and
many of these fellows do not listen at all, though they
applaud as heartily as any. If you chance to be crossing
the courthouse, and wish to know how any one is speaking,
th*ere is no need to stop to listen. It is quite safe to guess
on the principle that he who is speaking worst gets the most
applause.

The singsong style [of this claque] only wants the clap-
ping of hands, or rather cymbals and drums, to make them
like the priests of Cybele, for as for howlings, that is the
only word to express the unseemly applause, they have
enough and to spare.

88. THE LIFE OF A REFINED EOMAN" GENTLEMAN

Pliny the Younger, "Letters," book m, letter 1. Firth's Translation

If at its worst a Boman magnate's life was one of stupid sensu-
ality, at its best it represented an almost ideal refinement and
cultivated leisure. Pliny's friend here described must have been a
most charming companion Very pleasant, indeed, might life be
during the early Empire if one belonged to the favored classes.

I do not think I have ever spent a more delightful time
than during my recent visit to Spurinna's house; indeed
I enjoyed myself so much that if it is my fortune to grow
old, there is no one whom I should prefer to take as my
model in old age, as there is nothing more methodical than
that time of life. Personally I like to see men. map out
their lives with the regularity of the fixed courses of the
stars, and especially old men* For while one is young a

100A.D.] A REFINED ROMAN GENTLEMAN 241

little disorder and rush so to speak is not unbecoming;
but for old folks, whose days of exertion are past, and in
whom personal ambition is disgraceful, a placid and well-
ordered life is highly suitable. That is the principle upon
which Spurinna acts most religiously ; even trifles, or what
would be trifles were they not of daily occurrence, he goes
through in fixed order, and, as it were, orbit.

In the morning he keeps his couch ; at the second hour
he calls for his shoes and walks three miles, exercising
mind as well as body. If he has friends with him, the time
is passed in conversation on the noblest of themes, otherwise
a book is read aloud, and sometimes this is done even when
his friends are present, but never in such a way as to bore
them. Then he sits down, and there is more talk for pref-
erence ; afterward he enters his carriage, taking with him
either his wife who is a pattern lady or one of his
friends, a distinction I recently enjoyed. How delightful,
how charming that privacy is! What glimpses of old
times one gets ! What noble deeds and noble men he tells
you of ! What lessons you drink in ! Yet at the same
time it is his wont to so blend his learning with modesty,
that he never seems' to be playing the schoolmaster.

After riding seven miles he walks another mile, then
resumes his seat, or betakes himself to his room and his
pen; for he composes, both in Latin and Greek, the most
scholarly lyrics. They have a wonderful grace, wonderful
sweetness and wonderful humor, and the chastity of the
writer enhances its charm. When he is told that the bath-
ing hour has come which is the ninth hour in winter and
the eighth in summer he takes a walk naked in the sun,
if there is no wind. Then he plays at ball for a long spell,
throwing himself heartily into the game, for it is by means
of this kind of active exercise that he battles with old age.

After his bath he lies down and waits a little while ere
taking food, listening in the meantime to the reading of

242 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

some light and pleasant book. All this time his friends
are at perfect liberty to imitate his example or do anything
else they prefer. Then dinner is served, the table being as
bright as it is modest, and the silver plain and old-fashioned :
he has also some Corinthian vases in use, for which he has
a taste but not a mania. The dinner is often relieved by
actors of comedy, so that the pleasures of the table may
have a seasoning of letters. Even in the summer the meal
lasts well into the night, but no one finds it long, for it has
kept up with such good humor and charm. The consequence
is that, though he has passed his seventy-seventh year, his
hearing and eyesight are as good as ever, his body is still
active and alert, and the only symptom of his age is his
wisdom.

This is the sort of life that I [Pliny] have vowed and
determined to forestall, and I shall enter upon it with zest,
as soon as my age justifies me in beating a retreat.

89. A WEALTHY EOMAN'S FORTUNE

Pliny the Elder, " Natural History," book XXXTTT, chap. 47. Bohn
Translation

Great fortunes under the Empire fell into two general classes,
those founded on commerce, and those founded on land. A good
instance of the latter is here cited from Pliny. Isidorus must
have been a great territorial lord, almost a petty prince upon
his vast domains. It was estates like his worked by cheap
slave labor which ruined the honest peasant farmers of Italy.

Gaius Cseeilius Claudius Isidorus in the consulship of
Gaius Asinius Gallus and Gaius Marcius Censorinus [8 B.C.]
upon the sixth day before the calends of February declared
by his will, that though he had suffered great losses by the
civil wars, he was still able to leave- behind him 4116 slaves,
3600 yoke of oxen, and 257,000 head of other kinds of

90A.D.] A ROMAN SEASIDE VILLA 243

cattle/ besides in ready money 60,000,000 sesterces [about
$2,400,000]. Upon his funeral he ordered 1,100,000 sesterces
[about $44,000] to be expended.

90. A ROMAN SEASIDE VILLA

Statins, " Silvae," book H, 2 (abridged) . Slater's Translation

About 90 A. B. a Roman poet wrote this description of a friend's
villa on the beautiful bay of Naples. Despite somewhat strained
and flowery language, we get a good idea of the charms of the loca-
tion and the elegance and luxury of the building. There is no
reason, however, to believe that this villa surpassed many others of
its kind.

Between the walls that bear the name of the Sirens and
the rocks burdened with Tyrrhene Minerva's temple, stands
a lofty mansion that looks out upon the Bay of Puteoli. This
is ground dear to Bromius. On the high hills ripens a vint-
age that need not be jealous of Falernian vats.

The sheltered waters, the crescent bay break a passage
through the arc of cliff on either hand. The charm that
first meets the sight is a steaming bathhouse with twin
cupolas. From the land a rivulet of fresh water flows to
meet the brine. "From the shore, along the long counterscarps
of cliff, the colonnade makes its way, worthy of a city. The
long platform dominates the rough rocks. Where once was
blinding dust and dazzling sunshine a wild, unlovely
track it is now a joy to pass.

One hall [of the villa] looks out upon the sunrise and the
fresh beams of Phoebus, another keeps him back at his
setting and will not suffer the afterglow to pass. Here are
rooms that resound with the voices of the sea: here are
others that refuse to know the thunderous surges, but rather
the silence of the land.

!Note how cattle and slaves are lumped together as property oi
essentially the same kind.

244 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

What need to tell of statues fashioned long since in wa*
and bronze ? [Masterpieces of Apelles and Myro and Phidias] ;
bronzes from the funeral fire of Corinth ; busts of great cap
tains, and bards, and wise men of old [fill the villa].

Why should I rehearse the countless roof tops and the
ever changing view ? Each has a charm of its own ; every
chamber window has its own [private] view of the sea.

There is one hall that quite outshines them all ; one hall
that straight across the sea presents to thee, [the view of]
Parthenope. 1 Therein are marbles chosen from the heart
of the quarries in Greece, [and the other marbles from
Egypt, or from Phrygia] : green marbles from Laconia and
yellow from ISTumidia. Here are the Carystian pillars that
delight to face seaward. These all front and greet the towers
of Naples. A blessing on the fancy that prefers the Greek,
that makes a Grecian land thy home !

91. LETTERS ABOUT PRIVATE LIFE IN EGYPT UNDER
THE EMPIRE

Oxyrhynclios, "Papyri." Quoted in Milne's "Egypt under Roman Rule, 1 '
pp. 160-162

Most of the letters here given explain themselves. They are
from papyri of the Imperial period, found at the Egyptian town of
Oxyrhynchos, and serve to give a curious and valuable light upon
the life of an obscure provincial community.

[Relating to gymnastic sports in 323 A.D.]

"Dioscorides, logistes, 2 of the Oxyrhyncite nome (subprov-
ince). The assault at arms by the youths will occur to-mor-
row, the 24th. Tradition/ no less than the distinguished
character of the festival, requires that they do their utter-
most in the gymnastic display. The spectators will be
present at the two performances."

1 Naples. a A high local magistrate in Roman Egypt.

292A.D.] LETTERS ABOUT* PRIVATE LIFE 245

[Announcing privileges to a victor in the games ; a letter by
Senate of Oxyrhynchos in 292 A.D. to the district governor.]

"At a meeting of our body a dispatch was read from
Theodoras, recently chosen in place of Areion, the scribe, to
proceed to his highness, the Prsefect [of Egypt] and attend
his ' immaculate ; court In this dispatch he explained that
he is victor in the games and exempted from inquiries. TVe
have, therefore, nominated Aurelianus to serve [as deputy
to the Governor at Alexandria] and we send you word
accordingly that this fact may be brought to his knowledge,
and no time be lost in his departure and attendance upon
the court." 1

[From a petty local magistrate of a small village in the Egyp-
tian Fayum ; about some public amusements.]

" To Aureleus Theon, keeper of the training school, from
Aurelius Asclepiades, son of Philadelphus, president of the
council of the village of Bacchias. I desire to hire from
you Tisais, the dancing girl, and another, to dance for us at
the above village for (fifteen ?) days from the 13th Phaophi
by the old [Egyptian] calendar. You shall receive as pay
36 drachma a day, and for the whole period 3 artabai of
wheat, and 15 couples of loaves 5 also three donkeys to fetch
them and take them back,"

[Invitations in "good society" at Oxyrhynchos.]

" Chsereman requests your company at dinner, at the
table of the lord Serapis 2 at the Serapseum, to-morrow the
15th, at 9 o'clock."

" Herais requests your company at dinner, in celebration
of the marriage of her children, in her house to-morrow, the
5th, at 9 o'clock."

i Evidently attendance upon the prefect's court was an unwelcome and
probably expensive duty.
3 Dinner parties seem to have been given in temples, as to-day in hotels.

246 PUBLIC AND* PRIVATE LIFE

"Greeting, my clear Serenia, from Petosiris. Be sure t
dear, to come upon the 20th for the birthday festival of the
god, and let me know whether you are coming by boat or
by donkey, in order that we may send for you accordingly.
Take care not to forget. I pray for your continued health."

[Declaration to a local magistrate by an egg seller, showing the
close watch kept by city authorities over the trades.]

"To Flavins Thennyras, logistes of the Oxyrhynchite
district, from Aurelius Nilus, son of Didyrnus, of the illus-
trious and most illustrious city of Oxyrhynchos, an egg
seller by trade. I hereby agree on the august, divine oath
by our lord the Emperor and the Caesars to offer my eggs
in the market place publicly for sale, and to supply to the
said city, every day without intermission ; and I acknowl-
edge that it shall be unlawful for me in the future to sell
secretly or in my house. If I am detected in so doing, I
shall be liable to penalty." l

[Complaint by an outraged husband Syrus, son of Petechon
of the " Great Oasis " to the Egyptian Praefect as to lawless con-
ditions among the lower classes of Egypt.]

"I married a woman of my own tribe ... a free-born
froman, of free parents, and have children by her. "Now
Tabes, daughter of Ammonios and her husband Laloi, and
Psenesis and Straton their sons, have committed an act
that disgraces all the chiefs of the town, and shows their
recklessness ; they carried off my wife and children to their
own house, calling them their slaves, although they were
free, and my wife has brothers living who are free. When I
remonstrated, they seized me and beat me shamefully."

[Another complaint by a woman, Tarmouthis, a seller of vege-
tables in the Arsinote district in Egypt, to the authorities.]

1 There is evidently fear that a conspiracy to " enhance " the price of eggs
is impending, hence the exaction of this oath.

100 A.D.] DIATRIBE AGAINST WOMEN OF ROME 217

"On the fourth of this month, Taorsenouphis, wife of
Ammonios Phimon, an elder of the village of Bacchias al-
though she had no occasion against me, came to my house,
and made herself most unpleasant to me. Besides tearing
my tunic and cloak, she carried off 16 drachmae that I
had put by, the price of vegetables I had sold. And on
the fifth her husband, Ammonios Phimon, came to my house,
pretending he was looking for my husband, and took my
lamp and went up into the house. And he went off with
a pair of silver armlets, weighing forty drachmae, while my
husband was away from home."

92. A DIATRIBE AGAINST THE WOME^T OF ROME

Juvenal, " Satires," VI, 11. 199-304, 475-503. Gilford's Translation

About 100 A.D. a keen and bitter satirist delivered himself as
follows against the women of Borne. Some of his charges are
clearly overwrought ; but there is no doubt that the Roman ladies
often abused the very large liberties allowed them, and that divorce,
unfaithfulness, wanton extravagance, and many other like evils
were direfully common. Also the women were invading the arts
and recreations of men, a proceeding the present age will view
more leniently than did Juvenal.

[Kow] tell me if thou canst not love a wife,

Made thine by every tie, and thine for life,

Why wed at all ? Why waste the wine and cakes,

The queasy-stomach'd guest, at parting, takes ?

And the rich present, which the bridal right

Claims for the favors of the happy night,

The platter where triumphantly inscroll'd

The Dacian hero shines in current gold ? l

If thou canst love, and thy besotted mind

Is so uxoriously to one inclined,

i On the wedding night the husband presented the wife with some gold
pieces. The " Dacian Hero " is a sarcastic allusion to Domitian.

24:8 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

Then "bow thy neck, and with submissive air,
Keceive the yoke thou must forever wear.

To a fond spouse, a wife no mercy shows
But warmed with equal fires, enjoys his woes.
She tells thee where to love and where to hate,
Shuts out the ancient friend, whose beard thy gate
Knew from its downy to its hoary state :
And when rogues and parasites of all degrees
Have power to will their fortune as they please,
She dictates thine, and impudently dares
To name thy very rivals for thy heirs.

" Go crucify that slave." " For what offence ?
"Who's the accuser ? Where's the evidence ?
Hear all ! no time, whatever time we take
To sift the charges, when man's life's at stake,
Can e'er be long : hear all, then, I advise ! "
" Thou sniveler ! is a slave a man?" she cries :
" He's innocent ? be it so, 'tis my command,
My will : let that, sir, for a reason stand."

Thus the virago triumphs, thus she reigns :
Anon she sickens of her first domains,
And seeks for new ; husband on husband takes,
Till of her bridal veil one rent she makes.
Again she tires, again for change she burns,
And to the bed she lately left returns,
While the fresh garlands and unfaded boughs,
Yet deck the portal of her wondering spouse.
Thus swells the list "Eight husbands in five years ;
A rare inscription on their sepulchres !

While thy wife's mother lives, expect no peace.
She teaches her with savage joy to fleece*
A bankrupt spouse ; kind creature ! she befriends

100 A.D.] DIATRIBE AGAINST WOMEN OF ROME 249

The lover's hopes, and when her daughter sends
An answer to his prayer, the style inspects,
Softens the cruel, and the wrong corrects. . .

Women support the bar, they love the law,
And raise litigious questions for a show,
They meet in private and prepare the Bill
Draw up instructions with a lawyer's skill,
Suggest to Celsus 1 where the merits lie,
And dictate points for statement or reply.

Nay more, they fence, who has not marked their oil,
Their purple rugs, 2 for this preposterous toil ?
Equipped for fight, the lady seeks the list
And fiercely tilts at her antagonist,
A post ! which with her buckles she provokes,
And bores and batters with repeated strokes,
Till all the fencer's art can do she shows,
And the glad master interrupts her blows. . . .

[Or when the lady is being dressed to receive a gentleman friend,
it is a sad time for her maid trying to please her mistress.]

The house appears

Like Phalaris's 3 court, all bustle, gloom and tears.
The wretched Psecas, for the whip prepared,
With locks disheveled, and with shoulders bared,
Attempts her hair ; fire flashes from her eyes,
And " wretch ! why this curl so high ? " she cries.
Instant the lash, without remorse, is plied,
And the blood stains her bosom, back and side.
Another trembling on the left prepares
To open and arrange the straggling hairs

1 A well-known Roman jurist.

2 Wrapped around them after violent exercise.

s Phalaris was a frightfully cruel tyrant of Agrigentum.

250 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

To ringlets trim ; meanwhile the council meet,

And first the nurse, a personage discreet,

Gives her opinion ; then the rest in course

As age or practice lend their judgment force,

So warm they grow, and so much pains they take,

You'd think her honor or her life at stake,

So high they build her head, such tiers on tiers,

With wary hands, they pile, that she appears

Andromache before ; and what behind ?

A dwarf, a creature of a different kind !

93. THE GORMANDIZING or THE EMPEROR VITELLIUS
Suetonius, "Life of Vitellius," chap. 13 Bohn Translation

The Emperor Vitellius, who had a very brief and insignificant
reign (69 A. D.), was mainly distinguished for his gormandizing
and gluttony. How he enjoyed himself during his short lease of
power is told by Suetonius. Probably there were a good many in
Borne who would have imitated him, if given a similar opportunity.

Vitellius always made three meals per day, sometimes
four: breakfast, dinner and supper and a drunken revel
after all. This load of victuals he could bear well enough,
from a custom to which he had enured himself of frequently
vomiting. Tor these several meals he would make different
appointments at the houses of his friends on the same day.
"None ever entertained him at a less expense than 400,000
sesterces [about $16,000]. The most famous was a set
entertainment given him by his brother, at which were served
up no less than two thousand choice fishes, and seven thou-
sand birds. Yet even this supper he himself outdid at a
feast which he gave upon the first use of a dish which had
been made for him, and which from its extraordinary size
he called "The Shield of Minerva." In this dish were
tossed together the livers of charfish, the brains of pheasants
and peacocks, with the tongues of flamingoes and the entrails
of lampreys, which had been brought in ships of war as far

69 A.D.] LUXURY IN THE USE OF RINGS 251

as from the Carpathian Sea [between Crete and Rhodes]
and the Spanish Straits.

He was not only a inan of insatiable appetite, but he would
gratify it at unseasonable times, and with any garbage that
came his way. Thus at a sacrifice he would snatch from
the fire the flesh and cakes and eat them on the spot.
When he traveled, he did the same at inns upon the road,
whether the meat was fresh dressed and hot, or whether it
had been left from the day before and was half eaten.

[After a reign of a little less than a year this glutton was slain by
troops of his worthier rival Vespasian.]

94. LUXURY ix THE USE OF

Pliny the Elder, " Natural History," book gT'K'TTT, c hap. 6. Bonn
Translation

To what absurd lengths Eoman foppery and luxury could go is
exemplified in the following. There was about equal affectation in
fashionable circles, as to all kinds of raiment, furniture, etc.

It was the custom at first to wear rings on a single finger
only, the one next to the little finger, and this we see to
be the case in the statues of Numa and Servius Tullius.
Later it became usual to put rings on the finger next to the
thumb, even with statues of the gods ; aud more recently
still it has been the fashion to wear them upon the little fin-
ger too. Among the Gauls and Britons the middle finger
it is said is used for the purpose. At the present day,
however, with us, this is the only finger that is excepted, for
all the others are loaded with rings, smaller rings even being
separately adapted for the smaller joints of the fingers.

Some people thrust several rings upon the little finger
alone ; while others wear but one ring upon this finger, the
ring that carries the seal upon the signet ring itself, this last
being carefully shut up as an object of rarity, too precious
to be worn in common use, and only to be taken froro the

252 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

coffer as from a sanctuary. And thus is the wearing of a
single ring upon the little finger, no more than an ostenta-
tious advertisement that the owner has property of a more
precious nature under seal at home.

Some too make a parade of their rings, whilst to others it
is a decided labor to wear more than one at a time ; some,
in their solicitude for the safety of their gems, make the
hoop of gold tinsel, and fill it with lighter material than
gold, thinking thereby to diminish the risks of a fall. Others
again, are in the habit of concealing poisons beneath their
ring stones, and so wear them as instruments of death ; so
e.g. did Demosthenes, mightiest of Greek orators. And be-
sides, how many of the crimes that are stimulated by cupid-
ity, are committed by the instrumentality of rings !

Happy the times ; yes, truly innocent when no seal was
ever put on anything ! At the present day, indeed, our very
food and drink even have to be kept from theft through the
agency of the [seal] ring. This of course is thanks to those
legions of slaves, those throngs of foreigners who are in-
troduced into our houses, multitudes so great that we have
to have a nomenclator [professional remembrancer] to tell
us even the names of our own servants. Different surely it
was in the times of our forefathers, when each person pos-
sessed a single slave only, one of his master's own lineage,
called Marcipor [Marcus's boy] or Lucipor [Lucius's boy],
from his master's name, as the case might be, and taking all
his meals with him in common; when, too, there was no need
to take precautions at home by keeping a watch upon the
servants. But at present, we not only buy dainties that are
sure to be pilfered but hands to pilfer them as well ; and so
far from its being enough to keep the very keys sealed, often
the signet ring is taken from the owner's finger while he is
overpowered with sleep, or actually lying on his death bed. 1

1 According to Suetonius the signet ring was removed from the finger
of the Emperor Tiberius while he lay dying.

60A.D.] BANQUET OP TRIMALCHIO 253

95. THE BILL OF FARE OF A GREAT KOMAX BANQUET

Macrobius, "Saturnalia Convivia," book IE, chap. 13. Abstract in
Mommsen, "History of Rome " (new edition), vol. V, p. 387, note

The sensual and unrefined society of the Roman age laid a vast
stress upon the joys of eating. Probably never before or since
has greater effort been expended upon gratifying the palate. The
art of cooking was placed almost on a level with that of sculpture
or of music. It is worth noticing that the ancient epicures were,
however, handicapped by the absence of most forms of modern ices,
and of sugar. The menu here presented was for a feast given by
Mucius Lentulus Niger, when, in 63 B.C., he became a pontiff.
There were present the other pontifices including Julius Caesar,
the Vestal Virgins, and some other priests, also ladies related to
them. While this banquet took place under the Republic, it was
probably surpassed by many in Imperial times.

Before the dinner proper came sea hedgehogs; fresh, oys-
ters, as many as the guests wished; large mussels;
sphondyli; field fares with, asparagus; fattened fowls;
oyster and mussel pasties; black and white sea acorns;
sphondyli again ; glyciinarides ; sea nettles ; becaficoes l ; roe
ribs; boar's ribs; fowls dressed with flour; becaficoes ; purple
shellfish of two sorts. The dinner itself consisted of sows'
udder; boar's head; fish-pasties; boar-pasties ; ducks ; boiled
teals; hares; roasted fowls; starch pastry ; Pontic pastry.

96. THE BANQUET OF TRIMALCHIO, THE HIGH PARVENU

Petronius, " Satyricon." Ryan's Translation

The following is a mere excerpt from a comic romance probably
composed during the reign of Nero. The picture of Trimalchio,
the coarse freedman parvenu, who has nothing to commend him
but his money, and who is surrounded by countless parasites and
creatures of his whims, is one of the most clever and unsparing
delineations in ancient literature. Much of the Satyricon is too

* A kind of small thrush.

254 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

coarse for reproduction. The passage here given will, howeve^
present some notion of Roman " luxury " at its extremes.

At last we went to recline at table where boys from
Alexandria poured snow water on our hands, while others,
turning their attention to our feet, picked our nails, and not
in silence did they perform their task, but singing all the
time. I wished to try if the whole retinue could sing, and
so I called for a drink, and a boy, not less ready with his
tune, brought it accompanying his action with a sharp-toned
ditty; and no matter what you asked for it was all the
same song.

The first course was served and it was good, for all were
close up at the table, save Trimalchio, for whom, after a
new fashion, the place of honor was reserved. 1 Among
the first viands there was a little ass of Corinthian bronze
with saddle bags on his back, in one of which were white
olives and in the other black. Over the ass were two
silver platters, engraved on the edges with Trimalchio's
name, and the weight of silver. Dormice seasoned with
honey and poppies lay on little bridgelike structures of
iron ; there were also sausages brought in piping hot on a
silver gridiron, and under that Syrian plums and pome-
granate grains.

We were in the midst of these delights when Trimalchio
was brought in with a burst of music. They laid him down
on some little cushions, very carefully ; whereat some giddy
ones broke into a laugh, though it was not much to be
wondered at, to see his bald pate peeping out from a scarlet
cloak, and his neck all wrapped up and a robe with a
broad purple stripe hanging down before him, with tassels
and fringes dingle-dangle about him.

Then going through his teeth with a silver pick, "my

1 Trimalchio is made out such a boor that he does not yield tne place of
honor to a guest.

60A.D.] BANQUET OF TRIMALCHIO 255

friends," quoth he, " I really didn't want to come to dinner
so soon, but I was afraid my absence would cause too great
a delay, so I denied myself the pleasure I was at at any
rate I hope you'll let me finish my game." A slave followed,
carrying a checkerboard of turpentine wood, with crystal
dice; but one thing in particular I noticed as extra nice
he had gold and silver coins instead of the ordinary black
and white pieces. While he was cursing like a trooper
over the game and we were starting on the lighter dishes, a
basket was brought in on a tray, with a wooden hen in it,
her wings spread round, as if she were hatching.

Then two slaves came with their eternal singing, and
began searching the straw, whence they rooted out some
peahen's eggs, and distributed them among the guests.
At this Trimalchio turned around " Friends," he says,
"I had some peahen's eggs placed under a hen, and so help
me Hercules ! I hope they're not hatched out ; we'd better
try if they're still tasty." Thereupon we took up our
spoons they were not less than half a pound weight [of
silver] and broke the eggs that were made of rich pastry.
I had been almost on the point of throwing my share away,
for I thought I had a chick in it, until hearing an old hand
saying, " There must be something good in this," I delved
deeper and found a very fat fig-pecker inside, surrounded
by peppered egg yolk.

At this point Trimalchio stopped his game, demanded the
same dishes, and raising his voice, declared that if any one
wanted more liquor he had only to say the word. At once
the orchestra struck up the music, as the slaves also struck
up theirs, and removed the first course. In the bustle a
dish chanced to fall, and when a boy stooped to pick it up,
Trimalchio gave him a few vigorous cuffs for his pains, and
bade him to "throw it down again" and a slave coming
in swept out the silver platter along with the refuse.
After that two long-haired Ethiopians entered with little

256 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

bladders, similar to those used in sprinkling the arena in
the amphitheater, but instead of water they poured wine on
our hands. Then glass wine jars were brought in, carefully
sealed and a ticket on the neck of each, reading thus:

" Opimian Falernia l
One hundred years old."

[Presently one of the guests remarks, first on how completely
Trimalchio is under the thumb of his wife ; next he comments on
the gentleman's vast riches.]

" So help me Hercules, the tenth of his slaves don't know
their own master. . . Some time ago the quality of his wool
was not to his liking ; so what does he do, but buys rams at
Tarenturn to improve the breed. In order to have Attic
honey at home with him, he has bees brought from Attica
to better his stock by crossing it with the Greek. A couple
of days ago he had the notion to write to India for mushroom
seed. And his f reedmen, his one-time comrades [in slavery]
they are no small cheese either 5 they are immensely well-
off. Do you see that chap on the last couch over there ?
To-day he has his 800,000 sesterces [$32,000].. He came
from nothing, and time was when he had to carry wood upon
his back. ... He has been manumitted only lately, but he
knows his business. Not long ago he displayed this notice :

OAIUS POMPEIUS - DIOGENES

HAVING TAKEN A HOUSE IS DISPOSED

TO - LET HIS GARRET FROM THE

KALENDS OF JULY.

[After a very long discussion in like vein and a vulgar display
of luxuries and riches, Trimalchio condescends to tell the company
how he came by his vast wealth.]

1 An extremely choice and famous vintage.

60A.D.] BANQUET OF TBIMALCHIO 257

"When I came here first [as a slave] from Asia, I
was only as high as yonder candlestick, and I'd be
measuring my height on it every day, and greasing my
lips with lamp oil to bring out a bit of hair on my
snout.

" Well, at last, to make a long story short, as it pleased the
gods, I became master in the house, and as you see, I'm
chip of the same block. He [my master] made me coheir
with Caesar, 1 and I came into a royal fortune, but no one
ever thinks he has enough. I was mad for trading, and to
put it all in a nutshell, bought five ships, freighted them
with wine and wine was as good as coined money at that
time and sent them to Borne. You wouldn't believe it,
every one of those ships was wrecked. In one day Nep-
tune swallowed up 30,000,000 sesterces [$1,200,000] on me.
D'ye think I lost heart ? Not much ! I took no notice of
it, by Hercules ! I got more ships made, larger, better, and
luckier; that no one might say I wasn't a plucky fellow.
A big ship has big strength that's plain! Well I
freighted them with wine, bacon, beans, perfumes, and
slaves. Here Fortuna (my consort) showed her devotion.
She sold her jewelry and all her dresses, and gave me a
hundred gold pieces that's what my fortune grew from.
What the gods ordain happens quickly. For on just one
voyage I scooped in 10,000,000 sesterces [$400,000] and
immediately started to redeem all the lands that used to be
my master's. I built a house, bought some cattle to sell
again whatever I laid my hand to grew like, a honeycomb.
When I found myself richer than all the country round
about was worth, in less than no time I gave up trading,
and commenced lending money at interest to the freedmen.
Ton my word, I was very near giving up business altogether,

1 It was hardly safe for a rich man to fail to remember the Emperor in
his will, lest the latter in his wrath at being slighted confiscate the whole
estate.

258 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

only an astrologer, who happened to come into our colony,
dissuaded me.

"And now I may as well tell you it all, I have thirty
years, four months and two days to live, moreover I'm to
fall in for an estate, that's [the astrologer's] prophecy
anyway. If I'm so lucky as to be able to join my domains
to Apulia, I'll say I've got on pretty well. Meanwhile
under Mercury's 1 fostering, I've built this house. Just a
hut once, you know now a regular temple! It has four
dining rooms, twenty bedrooms, two marble porticoes, a set
of cells [for the slaves ?] upstairs, my own bedroom, a sit-
ting room for this viper [my wife !] here, a very fine porter's
room, and it holds guests to any amount. There are a lot of
other things too that I'll show you by and by. Take my
word for it, if you have a penny you're worth a penny, you
are valued for just what you have. Yesterday your friend
was a frog, he's a king to-day that's the way it goes."

[Trimalchio goes on to show off to his guests the costly
shroud, perfumes, etc., he has been assembling for his own
funeral ; and at last] we, the guests were already disgusted
with the whole affair when Trimalchio, who, by the way,
was beastly drunk, ordered in the cornet players for our
further pleasure, and propped up with cushions, stretched
himself out at full length.

" Imagine I'm dead," says he, " and play something sooth-
ing!" Whereat the cornet players struck up a funeral
march, and one of them especially a slave of the under-
taker fellow -7 the best in the crowd, played with such effect
that he roused the whole neighborhood. So the watchmen,
who had charge of the district, thinking Trimalchio's house
on fire, burst in the door, and surged in as was their right
with axes and water ready. Taking advantage of such an
opportune moment ... we bolted incontinently, as if there
had been a real fire in the place.

i The patron god of traders and thieves.

60A.D-] SENECA'S OPINIONS UPON SLAVERY 259

97. SESTECA ON THE GLADIATORIAL BUTCHERIES

Seneca, " Epistles," 7. Henderson's Translation
The following letter indicates how by the age of Nero cultured
and elevated souls were beginning to revolt at the arena butcheries
which still delighted the mob.

I turned in to the games one mid-day hoping for a little
wit and humor there. I was bitterly disappointed. It was
really mere butchery. The morning's show was merciful
compared to it. Then men were thrown to lions and to
bears: but at midday to the audience. There was no es-
cape for them. The slayer ^vas kept [fighting] till he could
be slain. " Kill him ! flog him ! burn him alive " [was the
cry :] " Why is he such a coward ? Why won't he rush on
the steel ? Why does he fall so meekly ? Why won't he die
willingly ? " Unhappy that I am, how have I deserved
that I must look on such a scene as this ? Do not, my
Lucilius, attend the games, I pray you. Either you will be
corrupted by the multitude, or, if you show disgust, be hated
by them. So stay away,"

98. SEITECA'S OPINION'S UPO^ SLAVERY

Collected from Seneca's writings in B. W. Henderson's " Life and Pria-
cipate of Nero," p. 92

With all his shortcomings Seneca was undoubtedly the most ad-
vanced pagan thinker of his day. The following extracts from his
writings indicate clearly that by about 60 A.D. the old ideas of
the inevitableness and desirability of slavery were beginning to
crumble. The spread of the Stoic philosophy as well as the final
triumph of Christianity did much to mitigate and finally almost to
abolish the Roman slave system.

" It is a savage pride which quotes the proverb ' So many
slaves, so many foes. 31 They are no foes to us until we
make them so."

i A proverb probably very often in Koman mouths.

260 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

" Slaves, do I say ? Rather < men.' ' Slaves ? ' No, but
comrades. ( Slaves ? ? Say rather ' humble friends.' Kay
( slaves ? if you like, but fellow slaves with you, who own
one arbiter of destiny Fate. See your modern master
deeming it a disgrace if no throng of slaves surrounds his
couch at dinner. Poor wretches ! Flogged for a murmur,
a cough, a sneeze, a sigh. In olden time slaves who might
speak not only in the presence of, but even face to face with,
their masters, were found ready to lay down their lives for
their master's sakes. Is not a slave of the same stuff as you,
his lord ? Does he not enjoy the same sun, breathe the
same air, die, even as do you ? Let then your slave worship
rather than dread you. Is it too little for a master, which is
enough for God ? For love casts out fear." *

" Shall a slave be counted as one that can do benefits to
his lord ? Surely. Virtue recks not of the birth but of the
purpose. She resides not in the person, nor nobility in the
pedigree. She deals not with citizen or slave, but rests con-
tent with man as man. Scorn not any man. The Universe
is tlie common parent of us all."

99. WALL INSCRIPTIONS FROM POMPEII

Collected in Kelsey's Translation of Mau'a "Pompeii," chap. 57 passim

There are almost no literary remains from Antiquity possessing
greater human interest than these inscriptions scratched on the
walls of Pompeii (destroyed 79 A.D.). Their character is extremely
varied, and they illustrate in a keen and vital way the life of a busy,
luxurious, and, withal, tolerably typical, city of some 25,000 inhabit-
ants in the days of the Flavian Caesars. Most of these inscriptions
carry their own message with little need of a commentary. Per-
haps those of the greatest importance are the ones relating to local
politics. It is very evident that the so-called "monarchy" of the
Emperors had not involved the destruction of political life, at least
in the provincial towns.

* Compare this to the teachings of the New Testament.

79A.D.J WALL INSCRIPTIONS PROM POMPEII 261

Notices of Gladiatorial Games, etc.

Twenty pairs of gladiators provided by Qnintus Monnius
Rufus, are to fight at ]tfola May 1, 2 and 3, and there will be
a hunt."

" Thirty pairs of gladiators provided by Grnasus Alleius
Nigidius Maius quinquennial duumvir, together with their
substitutes, will fight at Pompeii on November 24, 25, 26.
There will be a hunt. Hurrah for Maius the Quinquennial !
Bravo, Paris ! " *

"The gladiatorial troop of the sedile Aulius Suettius
Certus will fight at Pompeii May 31. There will be a hunt,
and awnings will be provided."

" Twenty pairs of gladiators furnished by Decimus Lucre-
tius Satrius Valens perpetual priest of Nero, son of the
Emperor, and ten pairs of gladiators furnished by Decimus
Lucretius Valens his son, will fight at Pompeii April 8, 9,
10, 11, and 12. There will be a big hunt and awnings.
JEmilius Celer wrote this by the light of the moon." *

Election Notices and Appeals

" The dyers request the election of Postumius Proculus as
sedile."

" Vesonius Primus urges the election of G-nseus Helvius
as sedile, a man worthy of public office."

" Vesonius Primus requests the election of Gaius Gavius
Rufus as duumvir, a man who will serve the public interest
do elect him, I beg of you."

" Primus and his household are working for the election
of Gnseus Helvius Sabinus as sedile."

1 Maius was as ' quinquennial ' holding a position practically the same a
the censors in Bepublican Borne. He seems to have been a wealthy and
important man. Paris was probably a well-known gladiator.

2 Celer seems to have been a regular notice painter at Pompeii.

262 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LITE

"Make Lucius Cseserninus quinquennial duumvir at
Nuceria, 1 1 "beg you : he is a good man."

" His neighbors request the election of Tiberius Claudius
Verus as duumvir."

Various candidates are commended in different inscriptions
as "worthy of public office/ 3 "an upright young man,"
f ' a youth of remarkable modesty," " a careful watcher of the
treasury."

Guilds and tradespeople unite to support favorite candi-
dates, thus: "The worshipers of Isis 2 as a body ask for
the election of Gnaeus Helvius Sabinus as sedile."

Again, " The inhabitants of the Campanian suburb ask for
the election of Marcus Epidius Sabinus as sedile." 8

" At the request of the neighbors Suedius Clemens, most
upright judge, is working for the election of Marcus Epidius
Sabinus, a worthy young man, as duumvir with judicial
authority. He begs you to elect him."

The ease with which notices could be scribbled on the
walls of the streets of Pompeii, enabled enemies to deliver
satirical attacks on candidates, as well as for friends ^o
praise, thus : " The sneak thieves request the election of
Vatia as aedile." "The whole company of late drinkers
(favor Vatia)." " The whole company of late risers (favor
Vatia)."

Inscriptions of General and Various Interest

Notice on the " Elephant Inn," ornamented with the
sign of an elephant in the coils of a snake, and defended by
a pigmy, "Inn to let. Triclinium (dining room) with
three couches."

1 Nuceria was a town neighboring to Pompeii.

2 A quasi-religious fraternity.

8 Sabinus evidently represents some " local interest. 5 '

79 A.D. WALL INSCRIPTIONS FROM POMPEII 263

Written on the walls of a sleeping room in another inn,
by some affectionate husband, " Here slept Vibius Restitutus
all by himself his heart filled with longings for his Urbana."

Advertisement painted on a wall, "To rent from the first
day of next July, shops with the floors over them, fine
upper chambers, and a house, in the Arnius Pollio block,
owned by Gnaeus Alleius Nigidius Mains. Prospective
lessees may apply to Primus, slave of G-nseus Alleius Nigi-
dius Maius." l

Another advertisement, " To let, for the term of five years,
from the thirteenth day of next August to the thirteenth
day of the sixth August thereafter, the Yenus bath, fitted
up for the best people, shops, rooms over shops, and second-
story appartments in the property owned by Julia Felix,
daughter of Spurius."

Notice for a lost article, "A copper pot has been taken
from this shop. Whoever brings it back will receive 65
sesterces [$2.60]. If any one shall hand over the thief [he
will be rewarded (?)]."

Messages and expressions from lovers are many; ex-
amples : " He who has never been in love can be no gentle-
man." "Health to you, Victoria, and wherever you are
may you sneeze sweetly ." 2 "Restitutus has many times
deceived many girls." (Written on a wall.) "Romula
keep tryst here with Staphylus."

Some lovers expressed themselves in verse, thus :

If any man seek

My girl from me to turn^
On far-off mountains bleak,
May Love the scoundrel bum ! "

1 Primus was evidently a trusted house agent, even if still a slave.
8 To sneeze implied having good luck.

264 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE

Again,

" If you a man would be,

If you know what love can do,
Have pity and suffer me

With welcome to come to you."

Notice by a gamester, "At Nuceria, I won 855i denarii
[about $138] by gaming, fair play."

Notice about the advent of some young pigs or puppies,
"On October 17 Puteolana had a litter of three males and
two females."

Proverbs, " The smallest evil if neglected, will reach the
greatest proportions." "If you want to waste your time,
scatter millet and pick it up again."

[There are also a good many quotations from the Latin poets
marked on the walls by school children, lovers, and others ; Ovid,
Vergil, Lucretius, and divers other poets are represented. Thus
we find the familiar " Arma virwnque cano " scratched by some
school boy.]

Copies of Wax Tablets relating to Business Transactions

[These are not scratched on the walls, but are business docu-
ments found carefully packed in a wooden box in the house of
Lucius Csecilius Jucundus, which was excavated in 1875. The
wooden "bases of the tablets had turned to charcoal, but it was
possible to decipher much of the writing.]

Entry of account of Umbricia Januaria. Umbricia
Januaria declares that she has received from Lucius
Csecilius Jucundus 11,039 sesterces [about $440] which
sum came into the hands of Lucius Caecilius Jucundus by
agreement as the proceeds of an auction sale for Umbricia
Januaria, the commission due him having been deducted.

56A.D.J WALL INSCRIPTIONS FROM POMPEII 265

" Done at Pompeii, on the 12th of December, in the con-
sulship of Lucius Duvius and Publius Clodius." (56 A.D.)
(Many witnesses follow.)

(A receipt.) " On the 18th of June in the duumvirate of
Lucius Veranius Hypsseus and Lucius Albucius Justus, I,
Privatus, 1 slave of the colony of Pompeii, declared in writ-
ing that I had received from Lucius Csecilius Jucundus 1675
sesterces [about $67], and previous to this day, on June
6, I received 1000 sesterces [about $40] as rent for the
public pasture.

" Done at Pompeii in the consulship of Gnseus Ponteius
and G-aius Vipstanus " (59 A.B.). (Many witnesses follow.)

1 The city of Pompeii, evidently, like other ancient towns, owned slaves
in its corporate capacity ; and these men might be petty officials of some
importance, and intrusted with the letting of the public property.

CHAPTER VIII

PHILOSOPHICAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE IN THE LAST
PAGAN CENTURIES

The last three pagan centuries were a period of great religious
and intellectual unrest. Probably never was there an age when
a greater proportion of educated men were religious skeptics than
the last era of the Roman Republic. For example, Julius Csesar
was as close to being an atheist as any great figure in history.
Then came the revival of the formal state religion by Augustus
for the real purpose, probably, of fostering mere public morality
and good citizenship throughout the unthinking masses. But
behind this formal revival of the old religion went an awakening
craving among intelligent persons for something better. The selfish
materialism of the Epicureans could not satisfy them, nor the cold
formulas of the nobler forms of Greek philosophy* The dissatis-
faction with the old religion and the desire for one nobler had
assumed three distinct forms before the final triumph of Christi-
anity. These were : (I) a bold and audacious criticism of the old
Grseco-Roman religion as presented in its original forms (cf. se-
lection 100). (II) The development of the Stoic philosophy which
represented what were ethically some of the noblest products of
ancient intelligence, and which was the result of a sincere and
painful seeking after God on the part of many souls who were
alike disgusted with the old " Olympian " system, and with the
later selfish atheism. (Ill) The spread of Oriental religions over
the West, religions which were avowedly mere additions to the
Graeco-Roman system, but which had in them a spiritual appeal,
a promise of immortality, a pledge of reconciliation with God, such
as never entered into the cults of Jupiter or Apollo.

It is perfectly safe to assert that even if Christianity had never
arisen, the religion of the Roman Empire would have undergone a

266

170 A.D.] A SKEPTIC'S MOCKERY 267

pronounced change. From great incredulity the pendulum swung
back to extreme ciedulity. There was firm credence even among
thoughtful men in magic formulas, alleged miracles, dreams,
ghosts, and the like. The last great pagan critic of Christianity,
the Emperor Julian the Apostate (died 363), complained that the
miracles of Jesus were mean, puny, and unworthy of a son of
God : and that a true deity would have wrought far greater ones.
It is easy to cite passages illustrating the criticism of the older
type of paganism, also examples from the Stoic philosophers, but
the evidence for the later Oriental cults (Mithraism, Isis-worship,
the cult of the " Great Mother," etc.) is not of a kind easy to pre-
sent in a book like this, being mainly based on very scattered
inscriptions. (See, however, 108.) It should never be forgotten
that Christianity triumphed because it met a need whereof the age
was extremely conscious, a need whereof men were seeking a satis-
faction most eagerly,

100. A SKEPTIC'S MOCKERY OF THE MULTIPLICITY OF
PAGAN GODS

Lucian, " The Convention of the Gods." Adapted from the Bohn Translation

How absurd the old pagan system seemed to educated men of
the second century A.D. is illustrated by this keen satire by a
clever and unbelieving Greek writer. Lucian had little use for
Christianity : it comes in for a share of his ridicule, but few did
more than he to prepare for the triumph of Christianity, by pulling
down the fabric of time-honored superstitions on which the out-
worn pagan religions rested.

[The gods are in solemn assembly, discussing the right of new
candidates especially from barbarous countries to their com-
pany. Olympus is at length getting overpopulated. Momus
god of mockery speaks to the following effect.]

Now Attis, and Korybus and Sabazius from what part
of the world have they been rolled in upon us, one after
another ? Or that Mithras the Median, with his Oriental
mantle and tiara, who doesn't speak a word of Greek, so

268 PHILOSOPHICAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE

that even if one drink his health he doesn't understand
. . . And you with the dog-face [Anubis] the Egyptian,
wrapped all up in linen, who are you, fine Sir, or how do
you put in a claim to be divine with your barking ? And
what is the meaning of this bull [Apis] from Memphis, that
spotted individual, being worshiped and delivering oracles,
and having prophets ? I blush to speak of the ibises and
apes and goats [which have . . .] stuffed Heaven from
Egypt. . . . [Other evils nearer home in Greece are cited
and] if you desire to end these evils, Zeus, I will read off a
certain resolution, composed just now by me.

Zeus [president of the assembly]. Head for all your
charges are not without some reason.

[The decree is read. It is couched in the regular style of an
Athenian decree and is to the following effect.]

In the name of God :

In a lawfully convoked popular assembly, on the seventh
day of the first decade of the month, under the presidency
of Zeus, 1 and the vice presidency of Poseidon, Apollo in the
chair, Momus the son of Nux, acting as registrar and Hyp-
nus brought forward the following motion. Seeing that
many unauthorized strangers, both Greeks and barbarians,
have forced their way into the company of the gods, that the
supply of ambrosia and nectar has begun to fail, that the
great demand for them has sent the price up to a mina per
jar, that strange gods shamelessly push themselves forward
and turn the old gods out of their places : be it decreed that
a commission of seven first-class gods be appointed to sift
all claims of each of their colleagues, etc.

Zeus. Yery just Momus. All in favor hold up their
hands ! Or rather let it be declared carried at once ; for I
know the majority are against it. The Assembly is dis-
missed. But be ready each of you with clear proofs of your
1 An accurate parody upon the Greek legal formula.

175 A.D.] A FAMOUS RELIGIOUS IMPOSTOR 269

titles, the certificates of your father's and mother's names,
whence and how he or she became a divinity, his tribe, and
fellow demesmen. All without these cannot be considered
by the Commission.

101. A PAMOUS RELIGIOUS IMPOSTOR OF THE SECOND

Lucian: abridged in Friedlaender, "Roman Life and Manners." (English
edition, vol. m, p. 131)

While mere skepticism allied to the nobler Stoicism undermined
the old religious faith of the educated classes, the multitude still
kept its belief in the old gods, and was liable to be led off into all
kinds of absurd superstition. Under these conditions religious
impostors were bound to reap rich harvests.

Alexander [105-175 A.D.] was as a boy remarkable for
his beauty. He was early instructed in hiagic arts, and
wandered about the country, but at last resolved to found
an oracle in his native town of Aboniteichos on account of
iihe crass superstition of the people. Tablets of bronze
were buried by him and conveniently dug up, announcing
that Apollo and his son Asclepius were coming to Aboni-
teichos. The inhabitants in delight began building a
temple to Asclepius, Presently Alexander entered the
town ; magnificently clad in a white and purple tunic and
carrying a sickle in his hand, after the manner of the hero
Perseus, whose son he claimed to be. The god Asclepius
is said to have revealed himself in the form of a snake.
Prompted by Alexander the townsmen soon found an empty
goose egg, with a little snake within it, near the spot where
they had begun the new temple. Soon afterward he exhib-
ited a large tame snake long in readiness and the rapid
growth of the divine snake seemed a matter of course.

Appearing with the snake round his neck in a dimly
lighted room, he thrust out from his robe a snake's head

270 PHILOSOPHICAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE

made of painted lineu, somewhat resembling a human face,
the mouth of which could be opened and shut by a horse-
hair attachment inside. Sometimes this snake uttered
oracles ; more often questions propounded at the shrine
were handed back with written answers. Vast crowds
came to consult the oracle. The fee was small, but the
multitude so vast that Alexander's profits were great.
Many prominent people, Koman governors and the like,
were among the inquirers. The time was one of famine,
earthquake, pestilence, and the like, and the oracle affected
to give sure directions for avoiding calamity. An occasional
error or false prophesy did not injure its prestige.

Alexander died at the age of seventy, full of honor,
wealth, and influence. Even after his death it was believed
that his statue in the market place of Pariuin in Mysia
delivered oracles.

102. THE NATURE OP DEMONS

Appuleius, "The God of Socrates." Works of Appuleius, chap. XX.
Bohn Translation

The second century A.D. was marked by a very waning faith
in the old gods among the educated classes, but it was not free
from a recrudescence of curious theories as to the nature of the
soul, nor from downright superstition. The writings of Appuleius,
a very typical author, are sufficient evidence of this. It should
be noticed that a pagan "demon," was by no means always
a noxious creature like the later Christian "demon."

According to a certain signification the human soul,
even when it is still situate in the body, is called a
( k Demon." . . . If then this is the case, a longing of the
soul that is of good tendency is a good demon. Hence
some think, that the blessed are called Eudaimones, the
demon of whom is good, that is, whose mind is perfect
in virtue. You may call this demon in our [Latin] lan-
guage, according to my mode of interpretation by the name

170A.D.] THE NATURE OP DEMONS 271

of "Genius," because this God, who is in the mind of
every one, though immortal, is nevertheless af ier a certain
manner generated with man; so that those prayers in
which we implore the Genius, and which we employ when
we embrace the knees (gemici) of those whom we supplicate,
seem to me to testify to this connection and union, since
they comprehend in two words the body and the mind,
through the communion and conjunction of which we exist.

There is also another species of demons, according to a
second signification, and that is the human soul after it has
performed its duties in the present life, and quitted the
body. I find that this is called in the ancient Latin lan-
guage by the name of "Lemur." ISTow, of these Lemurs,
the one who, undertaking the guardianship of his posterity,
dwells in a house with propitious and tranquil influence,
is called the " f amilar " Lar. But those who, having no
fixed habitation of their own, are punished with vague
wandering, as with a kind of exile, on account of the evil
deeds of their life, are usually called "Larvse," thus be-
coming a vain terror to the good, but a source of punish-
ment to the bad.

But when it is uncertain what is the allotted condition
of any of these, and whether it is Lar or Larvse, it is called
a God Manes, the name of God being added for the sake
of honor. For only those are called Gods, who being in
the number of the Lemures, and having regulated the
course of their life justly and prudently, have later been
celebrated by men as divinities, and are generally wor-
shiped with temples and religious rites. Such are, for
example, Amphiaraus in Boeotia, Mopsus in Africa, Osiris
in Egypt, and others in other nations, bat especially
Esculapius 1 everywhere. All this distribution, however,
has been made of those demons who once existed in a
human body.

1 The Greek Asclepius.

272 PHILOSOPHICAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE

But there is another species of demons, more exalted and
august, not fewer in number, but far superior in dignity,
who [in no wise attached to the body . . . ] preside over
certain powers. In the number of these are Sleep and
Love, which possess powers of a different nature ; Love, of
exciting to wakef ulness ; Sleep, of lulling to rest.

From this more elevated order of demons Plato is of the
opinion that a peculiar demon is allotted to every man, to
be a witness and a guardian of his conduct in life, who,
without being visible to any one, is always present, and is
an overseer not only of his actions, but even of his thoughts.
But when life is finished the soul has to return to its
judges; then the demon who has presided over it immedi-
ately seizes and leads it as his charge to judgment, and is
there present with it, while it pleads its cause ; and censures
it if it is guilty of any untruthfulness ; corroborates what it
says, if it asserts what is true, and conformably to its testi-
mony, sentence is passed.

[This demon] is entirely our guardian, our individual
keeper, our watcher at home, our special regulator, a
searcher into our inmost fibers, a reprover of our evil deeds,
an approver of our good ones. He is our forewarner in
uncertainty, our monitor in matters of doubt, our defender
in danger, and our assistant in need. He is able also by
dreams and by tokens, and perhaps even openly, when
necessity demands it, to avert from you evil, to increase
your blessings, to lighten your darkness, to regulate your
prosperity, and modify your adversity.

103. A STOIC ON THE ENDURANCE OF HARDSHIP
Seneca, " Essay on Providence," chap. IV. Bonn Translation

Seneca, the prime minister of Nero, affected an austere stoical
philosophy, that did not always correspond with the fact that he
was among the wealthiest and most powerful men in Eome.

6CU.D.] THE ENDURANCE OF HARDSHIP 273

Nevertheless, his theories are often very noble j and in them we
discover the best substitute paganism could present for Christianity.
Indeed, there are even letters supposed to have been exchanged
between Seneca and St. Paul, although these are clearly spurious.

Prosperity comes to the mob and to the low-minded men
as well as to the great, but it is the privilege of great men
alone to send under the yoke 1 the disasters and terrors
of mortal life ; whereas to be always prosperous, and to
pass through life without a twinge of mental distress is to
remain ignorant of one half of nature. You are a great
man [no doubt] ; but how am I to know it, if Fortune sends
you no chance to show your virtue ? You have entered the
arena of the Olympic games, but no one else has done so ;
you have the crown but not the victory. I do not congratu-
late you as I would a brave man, but as one who has ob-
tained a consulship, or a prsetorship. You have gained
dignity. I may say the same of every good man. if troublous
circumstances have never given him a chance to show forth
the strength of his mind. I think you unhappy because you
have never been unhappy ; you have passed through your
life without meeting an antagonist ; no one will know your
powers, not even yourself.

For a man cannot know himself without a trial ; no one
has ever learnt what he could do without putting himself
to the test; for which reasons many have of their own fiee
will exposed themselves to misfortunes which no longer
came in their way, and have sought for an opportunity of
making their virtue, which otherwise would have been lost
in darkness, shine before the world. Great men, I say,
often rejoice at crosses of fortune, just as brave soldiers do at
wars. I recall hearing Triumphus, who was a gladiator in
the reign of Tiberius Caesar, complaining about the scarcity
of prizes. " What a glorious time/' said he, " is past." [For]

1 A humiliation inflicted upon a conquered army, making them walk
between two spears while a third was fastened across the top.

274 PHILOSOPHICAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE

"valor is greedy of danger, and thinks only of whether it
strives to go, not of what it will suffer, since even what it
will suffer is part of its glory." . . . God, I say, favors
those whom He wishes to enjoy the greatest honors, when-
ever He affords them the means of performing some exploit
of spirit and courage, something not easily to be accom-
plished. You can judge a pilot in a storm, a soldier in a
battle. How can I know with how great a spirit you could
endure poverty, if you overflow with riches ?

Do not, I beg you, dread those things which the immortal
Gods apply like spurs to our minds ; misfortune is virtue's
opportunity. The recruit turns pale at the thought of a
wound ; the veteran who knows that he has often won the
victory after losing blood, looks boldly at his own flowing
gore. In a like manner God hardens, reviews, and exer-
cises those whom He tests and loves 5 1 those whom He
seems to indulge He, is keeping out of condition for their
coming misfortune

104. How A STOIC MET CALAMITY IN THE DAYS OF

Epictetus, " Discourses,*' book I, chap. 1. Carter's Translation

What meeting misfortune " like a Stoic " implied, is shown by this
anecdote preserved from the evil days of Nero. Agrippinus was
banished in 67 A.D. In such troublous days a part of the educa-
tion of every man of the upper classes seems to have been the
deliberate steeling himself to eudure calamity.

[Paconius Agrippinus, a famous Stoic, was put on trial before
the Senate for disaffection to the Emperor. He did not deign
even to appear to defend himself before such a servile body.]

They brought Paconius the news, "You are this moment
being tried before the Senate."

i Of. " Whom the Lord loveth He chasteneth."

100A.D.] THE DIVINE INSPECTION 275

"The case goes well, I trust," replied he, "but see it is
eleven, our time for exercise."

As he took exercise, in came another messenger

" Condemned ! " he cried.

" To exile," asked Paconius, " or to death ? "

"Exile!"

" And is my property confiscate ? "

" It is not taken."

" Well then, let us go as far as Arieia, and dine there." l

105. How ALL THINGS ARE UNDER THE DIVINE
INSPECTION

Epictetus, " Discourses," book I, chap. 14. Carter's Translation

Epictetus, the famous freedman, philosopher, and Stoic, had an
almost Christian concept of the power and goodness of God.
Indeed the spread of teachings like his went far to make the
world ready to accept Christianity.

When a person asked Epictetus how any one might be
convinced that each of his actions is under the inspection
of God ; do you not think, says Epictetus, that all things
are mutually bound together and united ?

I do.

Well, and do you not think that things on earth feel the
influence of the heavenly bodies ?

Yes.

Else how do the trees come so readily, as if by God's
express command ; bud, blossom, bring forth fruit and ripen
it; then let it drop, and shed their leaves ... all when
He says the word ? Whence again are there seen, on the
increase and decrease of the moon, and the approach and
departure of the sun, so great vicissitudes and changes to
the direct contrary in earthly things ? Have then the very

1 A town about 16 miles from Rome, and on the road to the region of
banishment.

276 PHILOSOPHICAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE

leaves, and our own bodies, this connection and sympathy
with the whole, and have not our souls much more ? But
our souls are thus connected and intimately joined to God,
as being indeed members and distinct portions of His
essence ; and must He not be sensible of every movement
of them as belonging, and with like nature to himself ?

"But I cannot" you say "attend to all things at
once." Why, does any one tell you that you have equal
power with Zeus ? No ! but nevertheless He has assigned
to each man a director, his own good " genius," and com-
mitted him to his guardianship ; a director whose vigilance
no slumbers interrupt, and whom no false reasoning can
deceive. For to what better and more careful guardian
could He have committed us ? So that when you have
shut your doors, and darkened your room, remember never
to say that you are alone, for you are not; but God is
within, and your genius is within, and what need have they
of light to see what you are doing ?

Elsewhere Epictetus enjoins these rules to be followed "by a
true philosopher. (From his "Manual" XXXIII)

Be for the most part silent, or speak merely what is
necessary and in few words. We may, however, enter,
though sparingly, into discourse sometimes, when occasion
calls for it, but not on any of the common subjects, of gladi-
ators, or horse races, or athletic champions, or feasts, the
vulgar topics of conversation ; but principally not of men,
so as either to blame or praise, or make comparisons. If
you are able, then, by your own conversation, bring over
that of your company to proper subjects, but if you happen
to be taken among strangers, be silent.

Let not your laughter be much, nor on many -occasions,
nor profuse.

Avoid swearing, if possible, altogether; if not, as far as
you are able.

150 A.D.] LETTERS OP MARCUS AURELIUS 277

Avoid public and vulgar 1 entertainments, but if ever an
occasion calls you to them, keep your attention upon the
stretch that you may not slide imperceptibly into vulgar
manners. Tor be assured that if a person be ever so sound
himself, yet if his companion be infected, he who converses
with him will be infected likewise.

Provide things relating to the body no further than mere
use ; as meat, drink, clothing, house, family.

When you are going to confer with any one, and particu-
larly those in a superior station, represent to yourself how
Socrates or Zeno would behave in such a case, and you will
not be at a loss to make proper use of whatever may occur.

In parties of conversation avoid a frequent and excessive
mention of your own actions and doings. For however
agreeable it may be to yourself to mention the risks which
you have run, it is not equally agreeable to others, to hear
your adventures. ...

When you do anything from a clear judgment that it
ought to be done, never shun the fact that you are seen to
do it, even though the world should make a wrong suppo-
sition about it, for if you do not act right, shun the action
itself ; but, if you do, why are you afraid of those who
censure you wrongly?

106. LETTERS OF MARCUS AURELIUS TO HIS MASTER
FROXTO

Appendix to Meditations of Marcus Aurelius. Translated in Everyman
Library Edition

That Marcus Aurelius while "Csesar" (i.e. Crown Prince)
(about 150 A,D.) was not utterly engrossed in philosophy or the
cares of state, is shown delightfully in these letters to Pronto, his
beloved rhetoric teacher. We see by them a very simple and
beautiful family life ia the imperial household a charming COD.'
fcrast to the courts of some of the earlier Emperors.

1 I.e. entertainments that catch the " vulgar," ignorant multitude.

278 PHILOSOPHICAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE

My dearest Master, I am well. To-day I studied from
the ninth hour of the night [3 P.M.] to the second hour
[8 A.M.] of the day, after taking food. I then put on my
slippers and from the second to the third hour had a most
enjoyable walk up and down my room. Then booted and
cloaked for so we were commanded to appear I went
to wait upon my lord the Emperor. 1 We went a-hunting, did
doughty deeds, heard a rumor that boars had been caught,
but there was nothing to see. However, we climbed a
pretty steep hill, and in the afternoon returned home. I
went straight to my books. On 7 with the boots, down with
the cloak ! I spent a couple of hours in bed. I read Cato's
speech on the Property of Pulchra, and another in which he
impeaches a tribune. I think I have caught cold, whether
from walking iii slippers, or writing [an essay] badly, I
don't know. To-day I seem to snivel more than usual.
Well, I will pour oil'on my head, and go off to sleep. I
don't mean to put one drop in my lamp to-day, so weary
am I from riding and sneezing.

[Another letter from the country.] After attending to
my throat [a cold still remaining] I went to my father [An-
toninus Pius] and stood at his side as he sacrificed. Then
to luncheon. What do you think I had to eat ? A bit of
bread fairly big while I watched others gobbling boiled
beans, onions, and fish full of roe. Then we went to work
at gathering the grapes with plenty of sweat and shouting,
and as the quotation runs, "A few high-hanging clusters
did we leave survivors of the vintage." After the sixth
hour we returned home. I did a little [literary work] and
poor work at that. Then I had a long gossip with my dear
mother 2 sitting on the bed. [After a talk about Fronto's
wife and little daughter] the gong sounded, the signal that
my father had gone to bath. We supped after bathing

i Antoninus Pius. 2 His adoptive mother, wife of Antoninus Pius.

150 A.D.] LETTERS OF MARCUS AURELIUS 279

in the wine cellar, and listened with, enjoyment to the
chatter of the rustics.

[Another letter, puts the supposedly grave philosopher
Csesar in a new light.] When my father returned home
from the vineyards, I mounted my horse as usual and rode
on ahead some little way. Well, there on the road was a
herd of sheep, standing all crowded together as though the
place were a desert with four dogs and two shepherds, but
nothing else. Then one shepherd says to the other shep-
herd, on seeing a number of horsemen, "I say, look at those
riders: they do a deal of robbery." When I hear this, 1
clap spurs to my horse and ride straight for the sheep.
In consternation the sheep scatter ; hither and thither they
are fleeting and bleating. A shepherd throws his fork, and
the fork falls on the horsemen who rode next to me. We
make our prompt escape.

[Fronto, writing to Marcus Aurelius of the latter's little
daughters, says after a visit to the two baby princesses i 1 ]

I have seen your little ones, and no sight could have
been more charming to me, for they are so like you in face
that nothing could be more striking. I was well rewarded
for my pains in journeying to Lorium, for the slippery
road and the rough ascent. For I had two copies of your-
self beside me. By the mercy of heaven they have healthy
color and strong lungs! One clutched a piece of white
bread, fit indeed for the child of a prince ; one a hard black
crust fit for the child of a true philosopher. In the pleas-
ant prattle of their little voices I seemed to recognize already
the clear tones of your harmonious speech.

[And of his children, Marcus Aurelius once wrote :] To-
day the weather is bad, and I feel ill at ease, but when my

1 See version given in Cape's Age of the Anto/iines, p. 86.

280 PHILOSOPHICAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE

little girls are well, it seems that my own pains are of slight
moment, and the weather is quite fair.

107. THE PRECEPTS OF MARCUS AURELIUS

" Meditations of Marcus Amelias," passim. Adapted from Long's
Translation

Never did a mighty ruler, actuated by noble theories, set
for himself a higher standard of personal conduct than Marcus
Aurelius (reigned 161 to 180 A.D.). His "Meditations" were
composed in large part whilst he was in camp on the Danube
waging war against the Germanic invaders of the Empire. De-
spite the lofty and courageous tone of these exhortations addressed
to himself, despite the constant profession of trust in an all good
Deity, they are imbued with a profound spirit of pessimism and
soul weariness. Marcus Aurelius courageously resolved to do his
duty, but there was little real joy displayed in so doing. He
lacked the enkindling hope and enthusiasm which possessed the
persecuted Christians.

[IX. 40.] Why dost thou not pray to the gods to give
thee the faculty of not fearing the things which thou
fearest, nor of desiring the things which thou desirest, nor
of being pained at anything, rather than pray that any of
these things should not happen ? For certainly if the gods
can. co6perate with men, they can cooperate for these pur-

[VI. 30.] Reverence the gods and help men. Short is
life. There is only one fruit of this mundane life a pious
disposition and acts of social helpfulness.

[IX. 1.] He who acts unjustly acts impiously. For
since the universal Nature has made rational animals for
the sake of one another to help one another according to
their deserts, but in no way to injure one another, he who
trangresses her will is clearly guilty of impiety towards the
highest divinity

170A.D.] PRECEPTS OF MARCUS AURELIUS 281

[III. 5.] Be cheerful and seek not external Jielp nor the
tranquillity which others give. A man must stand erect,
not be kept erect by others.

[XI. 1.] This again is a property of a rational soul
love of one's neighbor.

[III. 6.] [There is nothing better in life than] thy own
mind's self-satisfaction in the things which it enables thee
to do according to right reason.

[VII. 1.] There is nothing new: all things are both
familiar and short lived.

[IL 5.] Every moment think steadfastly as a Roman
and as a man to do what thou hast in hand with perfect and
simple dignity, and feeling of affection, and freedom and
justice, and to give thyself relief from all other thoughts ;
and thou wilt give thyself relief if thou dost every act in
thy life as if it were the last.

[VIII. 24] Such as bathing appears to thee, oil, sweat,
dirt, filthy water, all things disgusting, so is every part
of life and everything [else],

[IV. 49.] Think of any trouble not that "this is a mis-
fortune," but that " to bear it nobly is good fortune."

[III. 12.] If thou workest at that which is before thee,
following right reason seriously, vigorously, calmly, without
allowing anything else to distract thee, but keeping thy
divine part pure, as if thou were bound to give it back [to
God] immediately ; if thou boldest to this, expecting noth-
ing, fearing nothing, but satisfied with thy present activity
according to nature, and with heroic truth in every word
and sound that thou utterest, thou wilt live happy. And
there is no man who is able to prevent this.

[IV. 5.] Death is even as the act of being born is, a
mystery of nature. 1

l Marcus Aurelius makes it plain that he has no expectation possibly
ao desire of a personal immortality (IV. 21).

282 PHILOSOPHICAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE

108. Isis AND HER WORSHIP
Appuleius, "The Golden Ass," book XI, passim. Bohn Translation

In Appuleius's romance we are given a fairly clear idea of the
cult of Isis, that Egyptian goddess who became almost naturalized
in the Grseeo-Roman world. Unfortunately the real dogmas of
the devotees of Isis, like those of their rivals of Cybele, Mithras,
etc., were genuine "mysteries" and their secrets have perished
with the last initiates. Very likely the outward display of the
other Oriental cults would have resembled that of Isis herein de-
scribed; and for any one of the prominent deities might it be
claimed, as is here claimed for Isis, that she is the true mani-
festation of many other divinities.

[The goddess Isis appears in a vision to Lucius, the supposed
narrator of the story, and declares herself,]

Behold me, I who am Nature, the parent of all things,
the mistress of all elements, the primordial offspring of
time, the supreme among the Divinities, the queen of de-
parted spirits, whose one sole divinity the ivhole earth vener-
ates under a manifold form. The "Mother of the Gods" is
what the Phrygians call me, Cecropian Athena I am styled
at Athens, Paphian Aphrodite by the Cyprians in their sea-
girt isle, Artemis Dictynna by the arrow-bearing Cretans,
and the ancient goddess Demeter by the Eleusinians. But
those who are illuminated by the first rays of that holy
divinity the Sun the Ethiopians and the Egyptians so
wise in the ancient lore, who worship me in the meetest
fashion they call me by my true name, Queen Isis.

[And after further expatiating upon her power, Isis says :]

Under my protection you will live happy, you will live
glorious, and when having accomplished the span of this
life you shall descend to the realms below, even there, dwell-
ing as you shall in the Elysian fields, you shall frequently
adore me.

170 A.D.] ISIS AND HER WORSHIP 283

[A little later in the story is given this picture of a procession
in honor of Isis.]

The marchers were all finely arrayed in divers manners.
One man was belted as a soldier, another came as a
hunter with a short scarf, a hunting-knife and a javelin.
There were those in the arms of gladiators, and one in
the purple robes of a magistrate, another like a philos-
opher with his cloak, his staff, his wooden clogged shoes
and his goatish beard. There was a she-bear wearing the
dress of a woman, an ape with a plaited straw hat on its
head, and an ass on which wings were glued [as represent-
ing Bellerophon],

After this merry masquerade the regular procession of the
goddess advanced. There were women in white garments
with vernal chaplets, scattering flowers along the way.
Others sprinkled the streets with drops of balsam and other
perfumes. Also there canie a multitude of men and women
with torches. After them musicians, then a host of both
sexes who had been initiated into the sacred rites, resplen-
dent in their white linen garments. The women had their
anointed hair enveloped in a transparent veil, but the men
had shaven and shining pates, and these " earthly stars "
kept up an incessant tinkling upon brazen, silver and even
golden sistra. 1

[Then followed the priests themselves all in white linen
and each carrying some holy vessel, or sacred symbol ; e.g. a
miniature palm tree of gold, or a golden corn-fan, and finally
one came with a kind of ark] an effable symbol of sublime
religion, the mysteries of which 'are forever to be kept in
deep silence. It was of burnished gold, and consisted of a
small urn, hollowed out most artistically, and covered with
the wonderful Egyptian hieroglyphics. The spout of this
urn was very long and not much, elevated ; a handle was

1 A kind of elaborate rattles, much used in Oriental worships.

28-i PHILOSOPHICAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE

attached to the other side, and projected from the urn with
a wide sweep. Oil this lay an asp, uplifting its scaly,
wrinkled and swollen throat, and embracing it with its
winding folds. 1

i The interpretation of this urn, the hieroglyphics, the snake, etc,, was of
course a part of the " mysteries " for the initiates.

CHAPTER IX
THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE AND THE CHRISTIANS

The fourth century was one of the most momentous epochs in
history : in it the old paganism was dethroned, Christianity be-
came the recognized religion of the civilized world, and the bar-
barians effected such a lodgment within the decrepit Empire that
its dissolution in the West became merely a matter of years. The
story of this period cannot be told by a series of contemporary
extracts, however numerous. Still it is possible to illustrate a
number of phases of the last era before the downfall of the ancient
world. In this chapter will be found first a few excerpts relating
to typical persecutions of the Christians, then others illustrating
the triumph of Christianity and the new and elaborate institutions
of despotism with which Diocletian and Constantine strove to
prop up the tottering empire, also a few pictures, e.g. from Am-
mianus Marcellinus, of the splendor, luxury, and withal moral
worthlessness which prevailed down to the greatest of historical
catastrophes.

As for the triumph of Christianity, no student of civilization
will ever underestimate its importance. Here, again, conjecture
loses itself asking what would have become of arts, laws, and
letters if the Germanic invaders had conquered a world knowing
no better deities than Jupiter or Isis. The victory of Christianity
over paganism was, as the great G-er^nan scholar Ulhorn l has well
said, "the purest ever won. For it was won by witnessing and
enduring, by loving and suffering, by pouring out innocent blood."
It was won by weak men and women, slaves often, opposed to the
mightiest of governments and all the social and intellectual pride
and prejudice of the civilized world. Nevertheless it is useless to
expect to find a complete regeneration of the ancient world wrought

i See his Conflict of Glirlstianlty with Heuthenism, p. 477.

286 THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE

by the mere fiat of a Constantine. Christianity had imbued the
Roman Empire very feebly with its vital spirit before the Empire
perished from western Europe. Only in the nations which rose
on the ruins of that Empire has Christianity been working out
slowly and painfully the realization of its precepts.

Turning to the secular side of this period, the importance of the
governmental reforms of Diocletian and Constantine are not to be
ignored for it was their empire, with its absolute monarch and
centralized corps of officials, which the medieval potentates had in
mind when they looked back to Rome for law and example, not
the Principate of Augustus with its Republican fictions. Nor
again should the weakness of the Roman Empire and of its new
despotic constitution be exaggerated. If the successors of Augustus
ceased to rule in the west in 476 A.D., the successors of Constantine
were to reign in Constantinople until 1453. A large part of the
stability possessed by the Eastern Empire during its long history
is to be attributed to the institutions given it by Diocletian and by
the first Christian Emperors.

109. NERO'S PERSECUTION OP THE CHRISTIANS
Tacitus, " Annals," book XV, chap. 44. Bonn Translation

After the great fire of 64 A.D. Nero to find some scapegoat
for the calamity singled out the Christians. The passage here
given from Tacitus is of enormous importance. It testifies (1)
that a generation after the Crucifixion the Christians were an ap-
preciably numerous element in the population of Rome ; (2) that
they drew their converts from the lowest classes; (3) that the
educated classes, though regarding them as innocent of incen-
diarism, considered them worthy of little pity. Tacitus was a
boy in Rome when the persecution took place.

[Not all the efforts of Nero to shift the onus for the fire
at Rome from himself] availed to relieve him from the
infamy of being believed to have ordered the conflagration
[at Rome]. Therefore, to stop the rumor, he falsely
charged with guilt, and punished with the most fearful
tortures, the persons commonly called Christians, who were

212 A.D.] A FEMALE MARTYR 287

[generally] hated for their enormities. Christus, the
founder of that " name, " * was put to death as a criminal by
Pontius Pilate, procurator of Judea, in the reign of Tiberius,
but the pernicious superstition repressed for a time, broke
out yet again, not only through Judea, where the mischief
originated, but through the city of Rome also, whither all
things horrible and disgraceful flow from all quarters, as to
a common receptacle, and where they are encouraged. Ac-
cordingly first those were arrested who confessed they were
Christians; next on their information, 2 a vast multitude
were convicted, not so much on the charge of burning the
city, as of " hating the human race."

In their very deaths they were made the subjects of
sport : for they were covered with the hides of wild beasts,
and worried to death by dogs, or nailed to crosses, or set
fire to, and when the day waned, burned to serve for the
evening lights. Nero offered his own garden players for the
spectacle, and exhibited a Circensian game, indiscriminately
mingling with the common people in the dress of a
charioteer, or else standing in his chariot. For this cause a
feeling of compassion arose towards the sufferers, though
guilty and deserving of exemplary capital punishment, be-
cause they seemed not to be cut off for the public good, but
were victims of the ferocity of one man.

110. How A FEMALE MARTYR PACED HER PERSECUTORS

Extracts from the " Memoirs of St. Perpetua of Carthage." Translated
in Workman, "Persecution in the Early Church," p. 319

St. Perpetua was put to death about 212 A.D. She wrote her
own story of her experiences in prison, relating herself the narra-
tive almost down to the time of her actual martyrdom, when other
hands completed the story. Few documents give us the uncompro-

1 I.e. religious following or sect. Note how Tacitus takes the fact of the
historical existence of Jesus and of his crucifixion as a matter of course.

2 Doubtless wrung from them by torture.

288 THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE

nrising spirit of the early Christians better than this. For the
pagan side of a " persecution story" see the very important letter
of Pliny the younger to Trajan on page 219.

When I was in the hands of the persecutors, my father in
his tender solicitude 1 tried hard to pervert me from the faith.

"My father," I said, "you see this pitcher. Can we call
it by any other name than what it is ? "

No," he said.

" Nor can I," [I said], " call myself by any other name
than that of Christian."

So he went away, but, on the rumor that we were to be
tried, wasted away with, anxiety.

"Daughter," he said, "have pity on my gray hairs; have
pity on thy father. Do not give me over to disgrace. Be-
hold thy brothers, thy mother, and thy aunt : behold thy
child who cannot live without thee. Do not destroy us all."

Thus spake my father, kissing my hands, and throwing
himself at my feet. And I wept because of my father, for
lie alone of all my family would not rejoice in my martyr-
dom. So I comforted him, saying:

" In this trial what G-od determines will take place. We
are not in our own keeping, but in God's." So he left me
weeping bitterly.

[Perpetua and another Christian woman, Pelicitas, were
tossed and gored by a bull ; but despite cruel manglings yet
survived. Perpetua, says a sympathizing recorder] seemed
in a trance. " When are we to be tossed ? " she asked, and
could scarcely be induced to believe that she had suffered, in
spite of the marks on her body. [They were presently
stabbed to death by gladiators] after having exhorted the
others to " stand fast in the faith and love one another," she
guided to her own throat the uncertain hand of the young
gladiator.

1 She was a young wife and mother of barely twenty-two years.

303A.D.] INCIDENTS OF THE PERSECUTION 289

111. CERTIFICATE OF HAVING- SACRIFICED TO THE

PAGAN GODS

Issued in Egypt during the persecution of Decius from a Papyrus found
in the Fay urn District in 1893. Quoted in Workman, " Persecu-
tions in the Early Church," p. 340

About 250 A D., during Decius's short but furious persecution
persons suspected of Christianity were evidently obliged to clear
themselves by sacrificing to the old gods, then taking out a cer-
tificate to protect themselves against further legal proceedings.
This example comes from a small village in Egypt.

To the Commissioners of Sacrifice of the Village of Alexan-
der 's Island : from Aurelius Diogenes, the son of Satdbus, of
the Village of Alexander's Island, aged 72 years: scar on
Ms right eyebrow.

I have always sacrificed regularly to the gods, and now,

in your presence, in accordance with, the edict, I have done

sacrifice, and poured the drink offering, and tasted of the

sacrifices, and I request you to certify the same, Farewell

Handed in by me, Aurelius Diogenes.

L certify that I saw him sacrificing . . .*

Done in the first year of the Emperor, Caesar Gaius
Messius Quintus Trajanus Decius, Pius, Felix, Augustus*
the second of the month Epith. 2

112. How THE EOMAN OFFICIALS TRIED TO SEIZE

CHRISTIAN BOOKS nr 303 A.D.

Workman, "Persecutions in the Early Church" (p. 272), quoting "Deeds
of Zenophilus," an early Christian writing

In the great persecution started by Diocletian an especial effort
TOS made to seize all the copies of the Christian scriptures, in the

1 The magistrate's signature is obliterated.

2 June 26, 250 A.D.

290 THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE

hope of depriving the persecuted sect of the means of preserving
and propagating its doctrines. The following tells how the search
for the books was conducted in Oirta, an important city of Numidia.

When [the magistrates and a policeman, guided by the
apostizing secretaries of the Bishop] came to the house of
Felix the tailor, he brought out five books, and when they
came to the house of Projectus he brought out five big and
two little books. Victor the schoolmaster brought out two
books, and four books of five volumes each. Felix the
"Perpetual Flamen" 1 said to him,

" Bring your Scriptures out : you have more."

Victor the schoolmaster said, "If I had had more I
should have brought them out."

When they came to the house of Eutychius who was a
"Csesarian" [i.e. in the government civil service], the
flarnen said, " Bring out your books that you may obey the
law."

"I have none," he replied.

" Your answer," said Felix, " is taken down." 2

At the house of Coddeo, Coddeo's wife brought out six
books. Felix said, " Look and see if you have not got some
more."

The woman said, " I have no more."

Felix said to Bos, the policeman, " Go in and see if she
has any more."

The policeman reported, "I have looked and found
none."

[Another account tells of a wily bishop, Mensurius of Carthage,
who removed all the library of his church, but took care not to
leave the shelves bare, but left a number of heretical works.
These the pagans seized and were satisfied with, to the secret glee
of the orthodox Christians.]

1 A pagan priest helping with the search.

* In order that you may be prosecuted if your assertion is false.

312A.D.] TRIUMPH OF CONSTANTINE 291

113. How CONSTANTINE OVERTHREW MAXENTIITS AND
FAVORED CHRISTIANITY

Easebius, " Life of Constantine," book I, chap. 24 ff. Bagster's
Translation

In 312 A. D. Constantine the Great, already master of Gaul
and Spain, overthrew Maxentius, the evil ruler of Italy, at the
Mulvian Bridge near to Eoine. The victory was followed by dec-
larations by Constantine in favor of Christianity, although he did
not formally become a Christian himself until on his deathbed.
The story of his great change towards a hitherto despised and
persecuted sect, naturally became the subject of miraculous and
semimiraculous stories among the delighted Christians. The
narrative given by Etisebius, represents at least what was repeated
in Constantine's own lifetime by his Christian subjects.

God the Supreme Governor of the world appointed Con-
stantine to be prince and sovran , . . so that while others
have been raised to this eminence by the election of their
fellow men, he is the only one to whose elevation no mortal
may boast to have contributed.

As soon as he was established on the throne, lie began to
care for the interests of his paternal inheritance [especially
Gaul and Britain], and visited with much considerate kind-
ness all those provinces which had previously been under
his father's government.

[Having subdued various barbarian neighbors of his part
of the Empire, he beheld Rome the imperial city oppressed
by the tyranny of Maxentius, emperor of Italy and Africa,
and Constantine speedily resolved to deliver her.] Being
convinced however that he needed some more powerful aid
than his military forces could afford him, on account of the
wicked and magical enchantments which were so diligently
practiced by the tyrant, he began to seek for Divine assistance,
[as more important even than] weapons, and a huge army.
[He considered how divers emperors nad invoked the
heathen gods yet had come to destruction.] On the other

292 THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE

hand he recollected that his father, who had pursued an en-
tirely opposite course, who had condemned their error
and honored one supreme God during his whole life, had
found Him to be the Savior and Protector of his Empire,
and the Giver of every good thing.

Accordingly he called on Him with earnest prayer and
supplications that He would reveal to him who He was, and
stretch forth His right hand to help him in his present
difficulties. And while Constantine was thus praying with
fervent entreaty, a most marvelous sight appeared to him
in heaven, the account of which might have been difficult to
receive with credit had it been related by any other person.
But since the victorious emperor himself not long" afterward
declared it to the writer of this history, when he was honored
with his acquaintance and society, and confirmed this state-
ment with an oath, 1 who could refuse to accredit the relation,
since the testimony of after times has established its truth?
He said that about mid-day, when the sun was beginning to
decline, he saw with his own eyes the trophy of a cross of
light in. the heavens, above the sun, and bearing the inscrip-
tion " BY THIS CONQUEJB." 2 At this sight he himself was
struck with amazement, and his whole army also, which
happened to be following Mm on some expedition and wit-
nessed the miracle.

He said, also, that he doubted within himself what this
apparition could mean. [Presently he fell asleep] and in
his sleep the Christ of God appeared to him with the same
sign which he had seen in the heavens, and commanded
him to procure a standard made in the likeness of that sign,
and to use it as a safeguard in all engagements with his
enemies.

1 Constantine clearly saw the value of Christian support and how hy
circulating the story of this wonder he could give his cause a divine sanc-
tion which would encourage the Christians to adhere to him.

2 " In hoc signo vinoes."

312A.D.] TRIUMPH OF CONSTANTINE 293

At dawn of day lie arose and told his friends his secret,
then he called together his goldsmiths and jewelers, and
sat in their midst, and described to them the figure of the
sign which he had seen, bidding theni copy it in gold and
precious stones. It was made in the following manner. A
long spear overlaid with gold formed the figure of the cross
by means of a piece transversely laid over it. On the top
of the whole was fixed a crown, formed by the intertexture
of gold and precious stones ; and thereon were two letters
indicating the name of Christ, . . . the [Greek] letter P
[Latin K] being intersected by X [Latin CH] exactly in
its center ; and these letters the Emperor was in the habit
of wearing on his helmet at a later period. From the traverse
piece which crossed the spear [was a purple streamer,
embroidered with jewels and gold; and on the staff hung a
square banner bearing] a golden portrait, half length, of
the pious Emperor and of his children.

[Constantine now devoted himself to the study of
Christianity and the Bible,] and he made the priests of
God his councilors and deemed it incumbent upon him to
honor the God who appeared to him with all devotion.
After this, being fortified by well-grounded hopes in Him,
he undertook to quench the fury of the fire of tyranny.

[Meantime Maxentius at Rome was giving himself utterly
over to deeds of cruelty and lust, and on one occasion caused
his guards to massacre a great multitude of the Roman
populace.]

In short it is impossible to describe the manifold acts of
oppression by which this tyrant of Rome oppressed all his
subjects; so that by this time they were reduced to the
most extreme penury and want of necessary food, a scarcity
such as our contemporaries do not remember ever to have
existed before at Rome.

Constantine, however, filled with compassion on account
of all these miseries, began to arm himself with all warlike

294 THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE

preparations against the tyranny, and marched with his
forces eager to reinstate the Romans in the freedom they
had inherited from their ancestors. . . . The Emperor,
accordingly, confiding in the help of God, advanced against
the first, second, and third divisions of the tyrant's forces,
defeated them all with ease at the first assault, and made
his way into the very interior of Italy.

Already he was close to Rome, when to save him from the
need of fighting with all the Romans for the tyrant's sake,
God Himself drew the tyrant, as it were by secret cords, a
long way outside the gates. For once, as in the days of
Moses and the Hebrew nation, who were worshipers of
God, He cast Pharaoh's chariots and his host into the waves
of the Red Sea, so at this time did Maxentius, and the sol-
diers and guards with him, sink to the bottom as a stone,
when in his flight before the divinely aided forces of Con-
stantine, he essayed to cross the river [the Tiber] which lay
in his way, over which he had made a strong bridge of
boats, and had framed an engine of destruction really
against himself, but in hope of ensnaring thereby him who
was beloved by God. [But God brought this engine to be
Maxentius's undoing:] for the machine, erected on the
bridge with the ambuscade concealed therein, giving way
unexpectedly before the appointed time, the passage began
to sink down, and the boats with the men in them went
bodily to the bottom. And first the wretch himself, then
his armed attendants and guards, even as the sacred oracles
had before described " sank as lead in the mighty waters."
[So Constantine and his men might well have rejoiced, even
as did Moses and the Israelites over the fate of Pharaoh's
host in the Red Sea.]

Then Constantine entered the imperial city in triumph.
And here the whole body of the Senate, and others of rank
and distinction in the city freed as it were from the
restraint of a prison, along with the whole Roman populace,

330A.D.] FOUNDING OF CONSTANTINOPLE 295

their faces expressing the gladness in their hearts, received
him with acclamations and excess of joy men, women,
and children, with countless multitudes of servants, greet-
ing him as "Deliverer, Preserver, and Benefactor" with
incessant plaudits.

114 How CONST ANTINE FOUNDED CONSTANTINOPLE

Sozomen, "Ecclesiastical History," book U t chap. 3. Bonn Translation

Nothing that Constantino the Great did shows his ability more
clearly than his seizing upon the site of old Byzantium for the
location for his new capital. The place was admirably suited for
an imperial residence, being over against Asia which the Persians
were threatening, and in easy touch with the Danube, where the
Northern Barbarians were always swarming. Note that Con-
stantinople was from the outset (330 A.D.) a Christian city ; as
contrasted with old Rome, where paganism still kept a firm grip,
at least on much of the population, for nearly a century.

The Emperor [Constantine] always intent on the advance-
ment of religion erected splendid [Christian] temples to
God in every place especially in great cities such as
Nicomedia in Bithynia, Antioch on the Orontes, and
Byzantium. He greatly improved this latter city, and
made it equal to Rome in power and influence; for when
he had settled his empire as he was minded, and had freed
himself from foreign foes, he resolved on founding a city
which should be called by his own name, and should equal
in fame even Rome. With this intent he went to the plain
at the foot of Troy on the Hellespont . , . and here he
laid out the plan of a large and beautiful city, and built
gates on a high spot of ground, whence they are still visible
from the sea to sailors. But when he had proceeded thus
far, God appeared to him by night and bade him seek
another site for his city.

Led by the divine hand, he came to Byzantium in Thrace,

296 THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE

beyond Chalcedon in Bithynia, and here he desired to build
his city, and render it worthy of the name of Constantine.
In obedience to the command of God, he therefore enlarged
the city formerly called Byzantium, and surrounded it with
high walls ; likewise he built splendid dwelling houses ; and
being aware that the former population was not enough for
so great a city, he peopled it with men of rank and their
families, whom he summoned from Rome and from other
countries. He imposed [special] taxes to cover the ex-
penses of building and adorning the city, and of supplying
the inhabitants with food. He erected all the needed
edifices [for a great capital] a hippodrome, fountains,
porticoes and other beautiful adornments. He named it
Constantinople and New Rome, and established it as the
Roman capital for all the inhabitants of the North, the
South, the East, and the shores of the Mediterranean, from
the cities on the Danube and from Epidamnus and the
Ionian Gulf to Gyrene and Libya.

He created another Senate which he endowed with the
same honors and privileges as that of Rome, and he strove
to render the city of his name equal in every way to Rome
in Italy ; nor were his wishes in vain, for by the favor of
God, it became the most populous and wealthy of cities.
As this city became the capital of the Empire during the
period of [Christian] religious prosperity, it was not
polluted by altars, Grecian temples, nor [pagan] sacrifices.
Constantine also honored this new city of Christ by adorn-
ing it with many and splendid houses of prayer, in which
the Deity vouchsafed to bless the efforts of the Emperor by
giving sensible manifestations of his presence. 1

1 Sozomen goes on to state a remarkable miracle of healing at one oi
the churches in Constantinople.

400A.D.] A CHRISTIAN'S PRAISE OF ROME 297

115. A CHRISTIAN'S TESTIMONY TO THE DIVINE
SANCTION FOR THE ROMAN EMPIRE

Aurehus Prudentius, Poem "Against Symmachus"

The following was written about 400 A.D. or a little later. It
shows how the Christian writers joined with the pagan in ascribing
universal and abiding sovereignty to Rome, only they would see
in this the favor of Christian Providence, not of Jupiter, Mars, and
the other heathen deities. The theory that there must be one uni-
versal (Catholic) Church and one universal Empire possessed the
Christians very speedily after the Roman government ceased to
persecute them.

Roman, wouldst thou have me tell what is the true
cause of thy triumphs, the hidden seat of thy glory, the
arms by which thou hast enchained the world ? It is
God. . . .

Erom the shores of the Western Ocean even unto the
glittering sea where the day springs, war aforetime vexed
humanity. Hands cruel and ever armed knew only to smite
and how to wound. God desired to tame their rage. He
taught the people to bow their head* under one law ; to be-
come one and all Romans, even all those who dwelt hard by
the Rhine and the Danube, from the Elbe to the vasty deep,
from the Tagus to the fleece of gold, 1 and those whose cities
the Po courses, or where goes the Nile with her tepid waters,
fertilizing the fields, ere she loses herself through her seven
mouths. An equal law has made all men equal. The same
name has bound them together. The chain which assures
their obedience has become the chain of fraternal concord.
No matter where we are in the world we live as fellow citizens?
born close by one to another, inclosed within the circuit of
the same city, and grown up at the same domestic hearth.

1 Colchis in the Euxme region.

2 There are few truer or stronger statements of the work of unification
wrought by the Roman Empire than this.

298 THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE

This hath been wrought by so many successes and tri-
umphs of Rome. Now, verily, the way is made straight for
the coming of Christ ; whilst peace and public concord pre-
vail far and wide under a mild governance. Rome and Peace
are the two bonds of the universe, and now are they blended
in one. Christ, thou didst not permit the dominion of
Rome without Peace [as her consort]. For Peace is Thy
delight, and that Peace is wrought by the excellence of
Rome: [of Rome] who knows as well how to govern as
she knows how to vanquish. 1

116. How ST. AMBROSE HUMILIATED THEODOSITJS
THE GREAT

Theodoret, "Ecclesiastical History," book V, chaps. 17 and 18.
Bonn Translation

What vast power the Christian bishops and clergy were able to
assume less than one hundred years after they ceased to be subject
to dire persecution, is shown by the following story of the humilia-
tion and penance St. Ambrose, the masterful bishop of Milan,
inflicted upon Theodosius I, the last ruler of the undivided
Empire.

Thessalonica is a large and populous city, in the province
of Macedonia. [In consequence of a sedition there] the
anger of the Emperor [Theodosius] rose to the highest
pitch, and he gratified his vindictive desire for vengeance
by unsheathing the sword most unjustly, and tyrannically
against all, slaying the innocent and guilty alike. It is
said 7000 perished without any forms of law, and without
even having judicial sentence passed upon them ; but that,
like ears of corn in the time of harvest, they were alike cut
down.

When Ambrose [Bishop of Milan] heard of this deplor-

1 There is infinite irony in the fact that these proud lines were written
very shortly before the great Empire began to dissolve.

390 A.D.] HUMILIATING AN EMPEROR 299

able catastrophe, he went out to meet the Emperor, who
on his return to Milan desired as usual to enter the holy
church, but Ambrose prohibited his entrance, sa} T ing, "You
do not reflect, it seems, Emperor, on the guilt you have
incurred by that great massacre ; but now that your fury is
appeased, do you not perceive the enormity of your crime ?
You must not be dazzled by the splendor of the purple you
wear, and be led to forget the weakness of the body which
it clothes. Your subjects, Emperor, are of the same
nature as yourself, and not only so, but are likewise your
fellow servants ; for there is one Lord and Ruler of all, and
He is the Maker of all creatures, whether princes or people.
How would you look upon the temple of the one Lord of
all ? How could you lift up in prayer hands steeped in the
blood of so unjust a massacre ? Depart then, and do not by
a second crime add to the guilt of the first."

The Emperor, who had been brought up in the knowledge
of Holy Writ, and who knew well the distinction between
the ecclesiastical and the temporal power, submitted to the
rebuke, and with many tears and groans returned to his
palace. More than eight months after, occurred the festival
of our Saviour's birth. The Emperor shut himself up in
his palace . . . and shed floods of tears.

[After vain attempts by intermediaries to appease the
bishop, Theodosius at last went to Ambrose privately and
besought mercy, saying], " I beseech you, in consideration
of the mercy of our common Lord, to unloose me from these
bonds, and not to shut the door which is opened by the
Lord to all that truly repent." [Ambrose stipulated that
the Emperor should prove his repentance by recalling his
unjust decrees, and especially by ordering] " that when sen-
tence of death or of proscription has been signed against
any one, thirty days are to elapse before execution, and on
the expiration of that time the case is to be brought again
before you, for your resentment will then be calmed [and

300 THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE

you can justly decide the issue]." The Emperor listened to
this advice, and deeming it excellent, he at once ordered
the law to be drawn up, and himself signed the document.
St. Ambrose then unloosed his bonds.

The Emperor, who was full of faith, now took courage to
enter holy church, [where] he prayed neither in a standing,
nor in a kneeling posture, but throwing himself on the
ground. He tore his hair, struck his forehead, and shed
torrents of tears, as he implored forgiveness of God. [Am-
brose restored him to favor, but forbade him to come inside
the altar rail, ordering his deacon to say], "The priests
alone, Emperor, are permitted to enter within the barriers
by the altar. Retire then, and remain with the rest of
the laity. A purple robe makes Emperors, but not
priests." . . .

[Theodosius uttered some excuses, and meekly obeyed,
praising Ambrose for his spirit, and saying], "Ambrose
alone deserves the title of ( bishop.' "

117. A PART OF THE REGISTER OF DIGNITARIES OF THE
KOMAN EMPIRE

Portion of the "Notitia Dignitatum." Translated in the University of
Pennsylvania Historical Reprints, vol. VI, No. 4

Whether this document dates from about 402 A.D. or whether
from before 378 A.D. is a little uncertain. Probably the former
date is correct ; in any event it gives a good idea of the endless
gradations and extreme elaboration of later Roman officialdom;
how every person, high or low, tended to settle into a "status";
and how, as the spirit .died out of the old society, accent upon the
form and letter grew ever more extreme. Yet this governmental
machine was not useless; it kept up the administration under
very bad and weak Emperors, and probably prolonged the life of
the Empire not a little. It is impossible to cite more than a very
small portion of this catalogue of high officers.

378A.D.] THE REGISTER OF DIGNITARIES 301

REGISTER OF DIGNITARIES

Register of the Dignitaries both Civil and Military in the
Districts of the East 1

The Praetorian Praefect of the East.

The Praetorian Praefect of Illyricum.

The Praefect of the City of Constantinople.

Two Masters of the horse and foot in the presence [of the

Emperor i.e. at Court?].
The Master of the horse and foot in the East.
The Master of the horse and foot in Thrace.
The Master of the horse and foot in Illyricum.
The Provost of the " Sacred Bedchamber.
The Master of the Offices.
The Quaestor.

The Count of the " Sacred " Largesses.
The Count of the Private Domains.
Two Counts of the Household Troops.
The Superintendent of the " Sacred " Bedchamber.
The Chief of the Notaries.
The Warden of the " Sacred" Palace.
The Masters of the Bureaus [of government],
of memorials,
of correspondence,
of requests.

of Greek [correspondence].
Two Proconsuls : of Asia and of Achaia.
The Count of the East. [Diocese embracing Syria and

Palestine.]

The Augustal Praefect. [Governing Egypt.]
Four Vicars : for [the diocese] of Asia, of Pontus, of Thraces,

of Macedonia.
Two military Counts : of Egypt, and of Isauria [district in

Asia Minor].

1 The officials for the West appear on a separate list here omitted.

302 THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE

Thirteen "Dukes." 1 [Their districts are given.]
Fifteen " Consulars." [Their districts are given.]
Forty " Presidents." [Their districts are given.]
Two " Correctors." [Their districts are given.]

The Praetorian Prcefect of the East. Under the control of
the "Illustrious" 2 praetorian praefect of the East are the
dioceses below mentioned, of the East, of Egypt, of Pontus,
of Thrace :

Provinces of [the diocese of the East] fifteen, Palestine,
Phoenicia, Cilicia, Cyprus, Arabia . . . Isauria, Pales-
tina salutaris, Palestina secunda, Mesopotamia, efcc.
Provinces of the diocese of Egypt five [list given].
Provinces of the diocese of Asia ten [list given].
Provinces of the diocese of Pontus ten [list given].
Provinces of the diocese of Thrace six [list given].
The staff of the illustrious praetorian praefect of the East :
a chief of staff, a chief deputy, a chief assistant, a custo-
dian, a keeper of records, a receiver of taxes, a curator
of correspondence, a registrar [and many more],

[And similar lists are given for the other Praetorian
Praefect.]

The Master of the Soldiery in the [Imperial] Presence.
Under the command of the illustrious Master of the Sol-
diery in the Presence are :
Five squadrons of "Palatine" horse:

The " senior promoted " horse.

The companion cuirassiers.

The junior companion archers.

The companion Taifalians.

The Arcadian horse.

1 The Dukes are military officers : the last three grades of officials
named are provincial governors.

2 " Illustrious " was the highest official title in the later Empire, next
in honor was "Worshipful" (Spectabilis) , and next " Eight Honorahle"
(Clarissimw). About all high dignitaries had one of these titles.

THE REGISTER OF DIGNITARIES 303

Seven squadrons of the horse of the line :

[Names of the divisions follow.]
Six " Palatine " [Infantry] Legions :

The senior lancers.

The junior Jovians.

The junior Herculeans.

The Fortenses.

The Nervii.

The junior Martiarii.
Eighteen " Palatine " Auxilia :

[Names of divisions follow.]

The staff of the aforesaid Master in the Presence is [made
up from officers] enrolled with the forces and assigned to
staff duty. It includes the officers named below :

A chief of staff.

Two accountants.

A custodian.

Chief clerks who become accountants [and many others].

[Omitting the forces and subordinates of the "Master of the
Soldiery in East," of the " Keeper of the Sacred Bedchamber,"
and of several high civil officials, a typical governmental depart-
ment may be taken up.]

The Count of the Sacred Largesses. Under the control
of the illustrious Count of the Sacred Largesses [are the
following] :

The Counts of the Largesses in all the Dioceses.
The Counts of the Markets :

In the East and in Egypt.

In Mcesia, Scythia, and Pontus.

In Illyricum.

The keepers of the storehouses.
The Counts of the Metals in Illyricum.

304 THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE

The Count and the Accountant of the general tribute of

Egypt.

The accountants of the general tribute.
The masters of the linen vesture.
The procurators of the weaving houses.
The procurators of the mints.
The keepers of the goods dispatch.
The procurators of the linen weavers.

The staff of the aforesaid Count of the Sacred Largesses
includes :

The chief clerk of the whole staff.
The chief clerk of the bureau of fixed taxes.
The chief clerk of the bureau of accounts.
The clerk of the bureau of gold bullion.
The chief clerk of the bureau of gold for shipment [and
many other clerks, etc.].

[The other great civil ministers have a similar corps of aids and
deputies in the provinces or at the central bureau at Constantinople.]

118. How THEODOSIUS THE GREAT STRUCK AWE INTO
THE GOTHS

Jordaaes, "History of the Goths," chap. 28. Mierow's Translation

Theodosius I, a clever Spaniard, became Emperor of the East
in 378 A.D. The Visigoths following the battle of Adrianople,
were overrunning the Balkan peninsula, but he skillfully checked
them, and made a truce. The awe and majesty of the Roman
name was still potent with the Barbarians, and in what manner
they were dazzled by the seeming strength and impregnability of
Constantinople is here explained.

[After the Emperor Theodosius I had made a truce with
the Goths] he gave gifts to their King Athanaric, who had
succeeded King Pritigern, made an alliance with him and in
the most gracious manner invited him to visit him in Con-

370 A.D.] LUXURY OF THE RICH 305

stantinople. Athanaric very gladly consented and as he
entered the royal city exclaimed in wonder, " Lo, now I see
what I have often heard of with unbelieving ears," meaning
the great and famous city. Turning his eyes hither and
thither, he marveled as he beheld the situation of the city,
the coming and going of the ships, the splendid walls, and
the people of divers nations gathered like a flood of waters
streaming from different regions into one basin.

So too when he saw the [Roman] army in array, he said,
" Truly the Emperor is a god on earth, and whoso raises a
hand against him is guilty of his own blood." In the midst
of his admiration, and the enjoyment of even greater honors
at the hand of the Emperor, he departed this life after a
space of a few months. 1

The Emperor had such affection for him that he honored
Athanaric even more when he was dead than -in his lifetime,
for he not only gave him a worthy burial, but himself
walked before the bier at the funeral. Now when Athanaric
was dead, his whole army continued in the service of the
Emperor Theodosius and submitted to the Roman rule, form-
ing as it were one body with the imperial soldiery : [and
20,000 Goths served Theodosius valiantly in his successful
war against the rebel Eugenius] .

119. THE LUXURY AND ARROGANCE OF THE RICH IN
ROME

Ammianus Marcellinus, History: book XIV, chap. 16. Bohn
Translation

The following was written only about a generation before Alaric
plundered Rome in 410 A. D. The emptiness, shallowness, lack of
all real culture that prevailed in the ancient capital, and the dis-
gust that an enforced sojourn in Rome produced on simple and
honest-minded men, is very clearly set forth. Unless Ammianus

1 No doubt the lavish Roman hospitality told on the good Barbarian's
constitution I

306 THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE

was guilty of gross exaggeration, Rome had in his time ceased to
represent anything for the world's betterment.

[Despite the changes of the times] Rome is still looked
upon as the queen of the earth, and the name of the Roman
people is respected and venerated. But the [magnificence
of Rome] is defaced by the inconsiderate levity of a few,
who never recollect where they are born, but fall away into
error and licentiousness as if a perfect immunity were
granted to vice. Of these men, some, thinking that they
can be handed down to immortality by means of statues,
are eager after them, as if they would obtain a higher
reward from brazen figures unendowed with sense than from
a consciousness of upright and honorable actions 5 and they
are even anxious to have them plated over with gold !

Others place the summit of glory in having a couch
higher than usual, or splendid apparel; and so toil and
sweat under a vast burden of cloaks which are fastened to
their necks by many clasps, and blow about by the excessive
fineness of the material, showing a desire by the continual
wriggling of their bodies, and especially by the waving of
the left hand, to make more conspicuous their long fringes
and tunics, which are embroidered in multiform figures of
animals with threads of divers colors.

Others again, put on a feigned severity of countenance,
and extol their patrimonial estates in a boundless degree,
exaggerating the yearly produce of their fruitful fields,
which they boast of possessing in numbers, from east and
west, being forsooth ignorant that their ancestors, who won
greatness for Rome, were not eminent in riches; but
through many a direful war overpowered their foes by valor,
though little above the common privates in riches, :>r luxury,
or costliness of garments.

... If now you, as an honorable stranger, should enter
the house of any passing rich man, you will be hospitably

370A.D.] LUXURY OF THE RICH 307

received, as though you were very welcome; and after hav-
ing had many questions put to you, and having been forced
to tell a number of lies, you will wonder since the
gentleman has never seen you before that a person of
high rank should pay such attention to a humble individual
like yourself, so that you become exceeding happy, and
begin to repent not having come to Rome ten years before.
When, however, relying on this affability you do the same
thing the next day, you will stand waiting as one utterly
unknown and unexpected, while he wl;o yesterday urged you
to " come again," counts upon his fingers who you can be,
marveling for a long time whence you came, and what you
can want. But when at last you are recognized and admitted
[again] to his acquaintance, if you should devote yourself
to him for three years running, and after that cease with
your visits for the same stretch of time, then at last begin
them again, you will never be asked about your absence any
more than if you had been dead, and you will waste your
whole life trying to court the humors of this blockhead.

But when those long and unwholesome banquets, which
are indulged in at periodic intervals, begin to be prepared,
or the distribution of the usual dole baskets takes place,
then it is discussed with anxious care, whether, when those
to whom a return is due are to be entertained, it is also
proper to ask in a stranger ; and if after the question has
been duly sifted, it is determined that this may be done,
the person preferred is one who hangs around all night
before the houses of charioteers, or one who claims to be
an expert with dice, or affects to possess some peculiar
secrets. For hosts of this stamp avoid all learned and
sober men as unprofitable and useless, with this addition,
that the nomenclators 1 also, who usually make a market
of these invitations and such favors, selling them for

1 Nomenclators were slaves who always went with a great noble tc
remind him of the names of people whom he had met before.

308 THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE

bribes, often for a fee thrust into these dinners mean and
obscure creatures indeed.

The whirlpool of banquets, and divers other allurements
of luxury I omit, lest I grow too prolix. Many people
drive on their horses recklessly, as if they were post horses,
with a legal right of way, straight down the boulevards
of the city, and over the flint-paved streets, dragging
behind them huge bodies of slaves, like bands of robbers.
And many matrons, imitating these men, gallop over every
quarter of the city, wjth their heads covered, and in closed
carriages. And [like skillful generals] so the stewards
of these city households [make careful arrangement of
the cortege; the stewards themselves being] conspicuous
by the wands in their right hands. First of all before
the [master's] carriage march all his slaves concerned with
spinning and working ; next come the blackened crew
employed in the kitchen; then the whole body of slaves
promiscuously mixed with a gang of idle plebeians; and
last of all, the multitude of eunuchs, 1 beginning with the
old men and ending with the boys, pale and unsightly from
the deformity of their features.

Those few mansions which were once celebrated for the
serious cultivation of liberal studies, now are filled with
ridiculous amusements of torpid indolence, reechoing with
the sound of singing, and the tinkle of flutes and lyres.
You find a singer instead of a philosopher ; a teacher of
silly arts is summoned in place of an orator, the libraries
are shut up like tombs, [but] organs played by water-
power are built, and lyres so big that they look like
wagons! and flutes, and huge machines suitable for the
theater.

[The Romans] have even sunk so far, that not long ago,
when a dearth was apprehended, and the foreigners were

1( This frequent use of eunuchs was an abuse of the later rather than
the earlier Empire.

370A.D.] LUXURY OF THE RICH 309

driven from the city, 1 those who practiced liberal accomplish-
ments were expelled instantly, yet the followers of actresses
and all their ilk were suffered to stay ; and three thousand
dancing girls were not even questioned, but remained un-
molested along with the members of their choruses, and a
corresponding number of dancing masters.

[On account of the frequency of epidemics in Rome, rich
men take absurd precautions to avoid contagion, but even]
when these rules are observed thus stringently, some persons,
if they be invited to a wedding, though the vigor of their
limbs be vastly diminished, yet when gold is pressed in
their palm 2 they will go with all activity as far as Spoletum !
So much for the nobles.

As for the lower and poorer classes some spend the whole
night in the wine shops, some lie concealed in the shady
arcades of the theaters. They play at dice so eagerly as to
quarrel over them, snuffing up their nostrils, and making
unseemly noises by drawing back their breath into their
noses : or (and this is their favorite amusement by far)
from sunrise till evening, through sunshine or rain, they
stay gaping and examining the charioteers and their horses ;
an'd their good and bad qualities.

Wonderful indeed it is to see an innumerable multitude
of people, with prodigious eagerness, intent upon the events
of the chariot race !

1 To lessen the number of mouths to fill.

2 It was usual to make a present of a small sum of money on such
occasions to each regular guest. Spoletum was a town in Umbria.

CHAPTER X
THE DYING EMPIRE AND THE GERMAN INVADERS

The story of the fall of the Roman Empire is exceedingly hard
for young students to understand. This is because the history of
the world is losing that unity which it possessed while all political
power was centralized on the Tiher, and one becomes highly con-
fused in tracing down the respective advances of the Visigoths,
Vandals, Ostrogoths, Burgundians, Franks, Lombards, Angles, and
the innumerable lesser tribes wh;.ch c?st themselves upon the dying
Empire ; furthermore, the difficulty is increased by the fact th.at
every one of the kingdoms founded by these invaders was presently
to be blotted out, saving always the monarchy of the Franks. A
source book is no place wherein to develop the story of these
kingdoms, but it is possible to give some vivid pictures of the terri-
ble fifth and sixth centuries when Europe was painfully ridding
herself of her old government and society and was preparing to
assume things new.

Thus we can have excerpts illustrating the state of the Germans
while still in " the forest primeval," and others giving effective
glimpses of the progress of the invasions, the fearful interposition
of the Huns (more inimical to the G-ermans even than to the
Romans) and of the development of the spirit of Christianity
however feeble at first among the raw Barbarians, who found in
the civilized territories of the Empire a perfect wonderland, and
who were prepared to accept the institutions of the Church in
much the same receptive spirit with which they learned to make
use of marble palaces and the delicious southern wines. Again we
may cast our eyes upon Constantinople, with its glory, its com-
merce, and its survival of imperial power a power not to be de-
spised by the German, as Vandal and Ostrogoth found to their sore
cost in the days of Justinian. Finally in Clovis and his Franks can
be seen that fraction of the invaders, cruel, treacherous, almost

310

410 A.D.] DEATH AND BURIAL OF ALARIC 311

savages in their habits, and actual pagans when they entered
Gaul, who were destined by a strange Providence to found
modern France and Germany, and to affect to a marked degree the
history of modern Italy.

The misery and wanton destruction brought to pass during the
period of the invasions must not be underestimated. It was an
era when any man of refined instincts and a lover of the intellectual
life must have despaired of letters, arts, of everything, in short, as-
sociated with civilized existence. On the other hand, as Rome
was not built in a day, she did not fall in a day. The Barbarians
did not always come as devouring conquerors. They were willing
to confess the men of the Empire superior to themselves in all
human activities save war. Very often they settled beside the
Romanized provincials quite peacefully. Above all, they had deep
awe for the august shadow of that Empire, which they claimed
to wish to share rather than to destroy. And even more than
the name of the Empire, they held in reverence the authority of
the Church, the " Power not of this World," which was the more
terrible, because it fought with unseen weapons, and not with battle-
axes. The Roman Emperor vanished ; the Roman Pope remained,
and therein lies the interpretation of many chapters of medieval
history.

120. THE DEATH AND BURIAL OF ALAEIC THE VISIGOTH

Jordanes, " History of the Goths," chap. 30. Mierow's Translation

Alaric died shortly after he had pillaged Rome (410 A.D.).
The famous story of his burial is here given, as preserved in the
legends of his people. Although not a leader of the very first
order, not many generals have been permitted to make a greater
impress upon history than this tall, blonde Visigoth who broke
the spell of the inviolability of Rome.

[After Alaric's Visigoths had sacked Rome] they departed
to bring like ruin upon Campania and Lucania, and then
came to Brutii. To this place came Alaric, king of the
Visigoths, with the wealth of all Italy which he had taken
as spoil, and from there, he intended to cross by way of

312 DYING EMPIRE AND GERMAN INVADERS

Sicily to the quiet land of Africa. But since man is not
free to do anything he wishes without the will of God, that
dread strait [betwixt Italy and Sicily] sunk several of his
ships and threw all into confusion.

Alaric was cast down by the reverse, and while deliberat-
ing what he should do, was suddenly overtaken by an un-
timely death and departed from human cares. His people
mourned for him with the uttermost affection. Then turning
from its course the river Busentus near the city of Consentia
for the stream flows with its wholesome waters from the
foot of a mountain near that city they led a band of
captives into the midst of its bed to dig out a place for
his grave. In the depths of this pit they buried Alaric,
together with many treasures, and then turned the waters
back into their channel. And that none might ever know
the place, they put to death all the diggers.

They bestowed the kingdom of the Visigoths on Athavulf,
his kinsman, who returned again to Rome, and whatever
had escaped the first sack his Goths stripped bare like
locusts, not merely despoiling Italy of its private but even
of its public resources. [Presently, however, he made peace
with the Emperor Honorius, married his sister, and became
his ally against the other Barbarians invading the Empire.]

121. DESCRIPTION- OF THE, EARLY GERMANS
Tacitus, " Germania," chap. 4 ff. to 20. Bohn Translation

About 100 A.D. the Great Latin historian wrote this account of
the peoples and manners of Germany. Perhaps his aim was to
poiut a moral, by contrasting the chaste, unaffected forest children,
with the artificial, corrupt society of the Empire. In any case, he
has left us an invaluable picture of the life of the race that was to
possess so much of Europe and America. Tacitus probably had
never visited Germany, but he could draw fairly accurate informa-
tion from Roman traders and soldiers, and possibly from German
captives.

100A.D.] THE EARLY GERMANS 313

I agree in the opinion that the Germans have never inter-
married with other nations ; but to be a race pure, unmixed,
and stamped with a distinct character. Hence a family
likeness pervades the whole, though they are so numerous :
eyes stern and blue; ruddy hair; large bodies, power-
ful in sudden exertions, but impatient of toil and labor,
least of all capable of sustaining thirst and heat. Cold and
hunger they are accustomed by their climate and soil to
endure.

The land, though varied to a considerable extent in its
aspect, is yet universally shagged with forests, or deformed
by marshes ; moister on the side of Gaul, more bleak on the
side of Noricum and Pannonia. It is productive of grain,
but unkindly to fruit trees. It abounds in flocks and herds,
but generally of a small breed.

[There are very few metals in the country ; and coined
money is scarce, though not unknown.] Even iron is not
plentiful among them, as may be inferred from the nature
of their weapons. Swords or broad lances are seldom used ;
but they generally carry a spear, called in their language
framea, which has an iron blade, short and narrow, but so
sharp and manageable that, as occasion requires, they use
it either for close or distant fighting. Pew are provided
with a coat of mail ; and scarcely here and there one with
a casque or helmet [though all have shields].

Their line of battle is drawn in wedges. To give ground,
provided they rally again, is considered rather as a prudent
strategem than cowardice. . . . The greatest disgrace that
can befall them is to have abandoned their shields. A per-
son branded with this ignominy cannot join in their
religious rites, or enter their assemblies; so that many,
after escaping from battle, have ended their infamy by the
halter.

314 DYING EMPIRE AND GERMAN INVADERS

Political Institutions of the Germans

In election of kings they have regard to birth ; in that of
yenerals to valor. Their kings have not an absolute or
onliinited power, and their generals command less through
the force of authority than of example. If they are daring,
adventurous, and conspicuous in action, they procure obedi-
ence from the admiration they inspire. It is a principal
incentive to their courage that their squadrons and battalions
are not formed by men fortuitously collected, but by the
assemblage of families and clans. Their pledges are also
near at hand; they have within hearing the yells of the
women, and the cries of their children. [The women care
for the wounded and boldly] carry food and encouragement
to the men who are fighting.

On affairs of small moment the chiefs consult. On those
of greater importance, the whole community, yet with the
circumstance that what is referred to the decision of the
people is first maturely discussed by the chiefs. [At their
assemblies] they all sit down armed. Silence is proclaimed
by the priests. Then the king, or chief, or such others as
are conspicuous for age, birth, military renown, or eloquence
are heard; and gain attention rather from their ability to
persuade, than their authority to command. If a proposal
displeases, the assembly reject it by an inarticulate murmur ;
if it prove agreeable, they clash their javelins ; for the most
honorable expression of assent among them is from the
sound of arms.

Before this council, too, it is allowed to prosecute capital
offenses. Punishments are varied according to the crime.
Traitors and deserters are hung upon trees ; cowards, rene-
gades, and vile livers are suffocated with mud under a hurdle.
[Lesser offenses are punished by fines of] horses and cattle.
Part of the mulct goes to the king or state, part to the
injured cnan or his kindred.

100A.D.] THE EARLY GERMANS 315

In these same assemblies chiefs are also elected to admin-
ister justice in the cantons and districts [of the tribe]. A
hundred " companions," chosen by the people, attend upon
each, to aid them both by their advice and their authority.

German Youths and War-bands

[When a youth is man grown] then in the midst of the
assembly, one of the chiefs, or the father, or a relation,
equips the youth with a shield and javelin. Before this the
lads are counted simply part of a household ; afterward
part of the state. [Young men are associated as compan-
ions of a distinguished chief] and there is great emulation
among the "companions" who shall possess the highest
place in the favor of their chief ; and among the chiefs who
shall have the most and the bravest "companions." [The
chief with the finest band of "companions" enjoys the
highest honor in peace and war.] It is reproach and
infamy during a whole succeeding life for " companions " to
retreat from the battle surviving him. To aid, to protect
him ; to place their own gallant actions to the account of his
glory, is their first and most sacred engagement. The chief
fights for victory; the " companions " for their chief. The
" companion " requires from his lord's bounty, the warlike
steed, the bloody and conquering spear ; in place of pay he
expects to be supplied with a table, homely indeed, but
plentiful. [These " companions " have to be maintained by
constant feuds and booty, else they may desert their chief
for another more warlike.]

Domestic Customs of the Germans

It is well known that the Germans do not inhabit cities.
They dwell scattered and separate, as a spring, meadow, or
grove may chance to invite them. [In their villages] they
are not acquainted with the use of mortar and tiles ; and

316 DYING EMPIRE AND GERMAN INVADERS

for every purpose use rude unshapen timber, fashioned with
no view to beauty ; but they take great pains to coat parts
of their buildings with a kind of earth, so pure and shining
that it gives them the appearance of painting. They also
dig underground caves, and cover them over with a great
quantity of manure. These they use as winter retreats and
granaries. . . .

The marriage bond is strict and severe among them ; nor
are any of their manners more praiseworthy than this. Al-
most singly among the Barbarians they content themselves
with one wife, [though a very few great chiefs are polyga-
mists. When a woman is married] she is admonished by the
ceremonial that she comes to her husband as a partner of
his toils and dangers, to suffer and to dare equally with him
in peace and in war. The women live therefore fenced
around with chastity, corrupted by no seductive spectacles,
no convivial excitements. Adultery is extremely rare
among so numerous a people [an<J profligate women are out-
casts from society]. Every mother suckles her own children
and does not deliver them into the hands of servants and
nurses [as at Rome]. The young people are equally matched
in their marriage, and the children inherit the vigor of their
parents.

122. EFFECT UPON THE WORLD OF THE TAKING OF
ROME BY ALAKIC

Bill, " Roman Society in the tast Century of the Western Empire,"
p. 305

Professor Dill, a well-known writer, has given the following
opinion touching the effect produced upon the world of the great
deed of Alaric as the news of the incredible disaster penetrated
the remote provinces.

In 410, when after the failure of all negotiations, the city
[of Rome] had at last fallen a prey to the army of Alaric,

410A.D.] EFFECT OF THE FALL OF ROME 317

everything was changed. Eight hundred years had passed
since Rome had been violated by the Gauls of Brennus. In
spite of all the troubles on the frontiers, in spite of the
alarms of the great invasions of the second, third, and
fourth centuries, the sacred center of government had never
realized the possibility that her own stately security would
ever be disturbed. Not only had all true sons of Rome
a religious faith in her mission and destiny, but they had
good reason to rely on the awe which she inspired in the
barbarous races who ranged around her frontiers.

But now the spell was broken ; the mystery and awe
which surrounded the great city had been pierced and set
at nought. The moral force, so much more important in
government than the material, had been weakened and dese-
crated. The shock given by this great catastrophe to old
Roman confidence and pride must, for the time, have been
overwhelming. We can conjecture the feelings [of men of
the time . . . ] from the words St. Jerome penned in his cell in
Bethlehem in the year 411. Although he had fled from the
world, he was still a Roman at heart, steeped in her literary
culture, and proud of her great history. When the rumor
of the fall of Rome reached him, he broke off his commen-
tary on Ezekiel; his voice was choked with sobs as he
thought of the capture of the great city, " which had taken
captive all the world."

In an earlier letter, referring to the invasion of the east-
ern provinces, he says that his soul shudders at the ruin of
his time. For twenty years all the lands from Constanti-
nople to the Julian Alps are drenched with Roman blood.
The provinces are a prey to Alans, Huns, Vandals, and
Marcomanni. Matrons and virgins devoted to God, the
noble and the priest, are made a sport of these monsters.
The churches are demolished ; the bones of the martyrs are
dug up ; horses are stabled at the altars of Christ. " The
Roman world is sinking in ruin, . . . and yet we wish to live,

318 DYING EMPIRE AND GERMAN INVADERS

and think that those who have been taken from such a
scene are to be mourned rather than deemed happy in their
fate. It is through our sins that the barbarians are strong."

[In another letter] he speaks of the countless hordes that
have swept from the Rhine to the Pyrenees. Great cities
like Mainz, Rheims, and Nantes have been wiped out ; the
provinces of Aquitaine, Lyons, and USTarbonne have been
desolated, thousands have been butchered even in the
churches, and famine has completed the work of the sword.

[St. Jerome may be overcoloring the extent of the disaster,
but] there can be no doubt that the moral effect of the
capture was for the moment overwhelming.

123. THE GREATNESS OF ROME EVEN IN THE PATS
OF RUIN

Poem of Rutilius Nmnantius, " On his Return," book 1, 11. 47 ff.

Rutilius Numantius, a native of Gaul, but about 413 A.D. the
City Prsefect of Rome, wrote this poem in praise of the city that
he had seen plundered by Alaric. He was a pagan, one of the
circle of literary men who fixed their eyes on the glorious past,
and had no pleasure in Christianity. His tribute to the greatness
of Rome is clear evidence that even the awful calamities of the
reign of Honorins did not shatter men's faith in the abiding majesty
and empire of the Eternal City.

Give ear to me, Queen of the world which thou rulest,
Rome, whose place is amongst the stars ! Give ear to me,
mother of men, and mother of gods !

Through thy temples we draw near to the very heaven.
Thee do we sing, yea and while the Fates give us life, thee
we will sing. For who can live and forget thee ? Before
thy image my soul is abased graceless and sacrilegious, it
were better for me to forget the sun, for thy beneficent influ-
ence shinest even as his light to the limits of the habit-
able world. Tea the sun himself, in his vast course, seems

460 A.D.] A PICTURE OF A VISIGOTHIC KING 319

only to turn in thy behalf. He riseth upon thy domains ;
and on thy domains, it is again that he setteth.

As far as from one pole to the other spreadeth the vital
power of nature, so far thy virtue hath penetrated over the
earth. For all the scattered nations thou Greatest one com-
mon country. Those that struggle against thee are con-
strained to bend to thy yoke ; for thou profferest to the
conquered the partnership in thy just laws ; thou hast made
one city what was aforetime the wide world !

Queen, the remotest regions of the universe join in a
hymn to thy glory ! Our heads are raised freely under thy
peaceful yoke. For thee to reign, is less than to have so
deserved to reign; the grandeur of thy deeds surpasses even
thy might destinies.

124. A PICTURE OF A VISIG-OTHIC KING

A Letter of Sidonius Apollinaris. Abridged from the Translation in
Sheppard, "Fall of Rome," pp. 433-437

Theodoric II reigned over the Visigoths in South Gaul from
453 to 466 A.D. He was the grandson of Alaric the Conqueror,
This picture of him is drawn hy a courtly Gallo-Roman bishop
who had every reason to natter this leader of the new lords of the
land. Making ample allowances, however, we can conclude that
the Gothic kings soon absorbed a veneer of Roman culture, and
liked to keep up the show of a Csesar, treating the provincials
fairly graciously ; although at heart they were still crude Barbarians.

"He is a prince well worthy of being known even by
those not admitted to his intimate acquaintance, to such a
degree have Nature and God, the sovran Arbiter of all
things, accumulated in his person gifts of varied excellence.
His character is such that even envy itself, that universal
accompaniment of all royalty, could not defraud him of his
due praise."

( You ask me to describe his daily outdoor life. Accom-
panied by a very small suite he attends before daybreak the

320 DYING EMPIRE AND GERMAN INVADERS

services of the Church, in his own household ; he is careful
in his devotions, but although his tone is suppressed, you
may perceive that this is more a matter of habit with him
than of religious principle. The business of administration
occupies the rest of the morning. An armed aide-de-camp
stands beside his throne ; his band of fur-clad bodyguards
is admitted to the Palace in order that they may be near to
the royal presence ; while in order that there may not be
too much noise, they are kept out of the room ; and so they
talk in murmurs, inside a railing and outside the hangings
[of the hall of audience].

" Envoys from foreign powers are then introduced. The
King listens much and says little. If their business calls
for discussion, he pats it off; if for prompt action, he presses
it forward. At eight o'clock 1 he rises, and proceeds to
examine either his treasures, or his stables. When he goes
to hunt, he does not deem it suitable to the royal dignity
to carry his bow upon his own person ; when, however, . . .
any one points out to him a wild animal or bird, he puts
out his hand, and receives his bow .unstrung from a page:
for, just as he regards it as an undignified thing to carry
the weapon in its case, so does he deem it unmanly it should
be prepared by another for his use. He selects an arrow
. . . and lets fly, first asking what you wish him to strike.
You make your choice and invariably he hits the mark;
indeed if there is ever any mistake, it is oftener in the sight
of him who points out the object than in the aim of him
who shoots at it.

"His banquets do not differ from those of a private
gentleman. You never see the vulgarity of a vast mass of
tarnished plate, heaped upon a groaning table by a puffing
and perspiring slave. The only thing that is weighty is the
conversation: for either serious subjects are discussed, or

iNote how early in the morning formal business is begun and dis
posed ot

460 A.D.] A PICTURE OF A VISIGOTHIC KING 321

none at all. Sometimes purple, and sometimes fine silk are
employed in adorning the furniture of the dining room.
The dinner is recommended by the skill of the cookery, not
by the costliness of the provisions: the plate by its
brightness, not by its massive weight. The guests are much
more frequently called upon to complain of thirst, from
finding the goblet too seldom pressed, than to shun ebriety
by refusing it. In brief, one sees there the elegance of
Greece and promptness of Italy, the splendor of a public
along with the personal attention of a private entertainment,
likewise the regular order of a royal household. After
dinner Theodoric either takes no siesta at all or a very
short one.^ When he feels like it, he picks up the dice
quickly, looks at them carefully, shakes them scientifically,
throws them at once, jocularly addresses them, and awaits
the result with patience. When the cast is a good one he
says nothing : when bad, he laughs ; good or bad he is never
angry, and takes both philosophically. . . .

" About three in the afternoon again come the cares of
government, back come the suitors, and back those whose
duty it is to keep them at a distance. On all sides is heard
a wrangling and intriguing crowd, which, prolonged to the
royal dinner hour, then only begins to diminish ; after that
it disperses, every man to seek his own patron. Occa-
sionally, though not often, jesters are admitted to the royal
banquet, without, however, being permitted to vent their
malicious raillery upon any persons present. 1 When he has
risen from table, the guard of the treasury commences its
nightly vigil: armed men take their station, at all ap-
proaches to the palace, whose duty it will be to watch there
during the first hours of the night/'

[Despite this eulogy, Theodoric II had climbed to power by the
foul murder of his brother, the rightful king.]

1 As was evidently the custom in other great houses.

322 DYING EMPIRE AND GERMAN INVADERS

125. AN" ACCOUNT OF THE PERSON OF ATTILA

Jordanes, " History of the Goths," chap. 35. Mierow's Translation

Attila ruled the Huns from 434 to 453 A. D. During thai
time the " Scourge of God " held in terror nearly all the known
world. A Gothic chronicler leaves us this account of his personal
traits and appearance. Probably like other savage conquerors of
his type Attila was a curious combination of qualities admirable
and diabolical.

When Attila's brother Bleda who ruled over a great part
of the Hmis had been slain by Attila's treachery, the latter
united all the people under his own rule. Gathering also
a host of the other tribes which he then held under his sway
he sought to subdue the foremost nations of the world
the Romans and the Visigoths. His army is said to have
numbered 500,000 men. He was a man born into the world
to shake the nations, the scourge of all lands, who in some
way terrified all mankind by the dreadful rumors noised
abroad concerning him. He was haughty in his walk, roll-
ing his eyes hither and thither, so that the power of his
proud spirit appeared in the movement of his body. He
was indeed a lover of war, yet restrained in action, mighty
in counsel, gracious to suppliants and lenient to those who
were once received into his protection. He was short of
stature, with a broad chest and a large head : his eyes were
small, his beard thin and sprinkled with gray : and he had
a flat nose and a swarthy complexion showing the evidences
of his origin.

126. THE BATTLE OF THE CATALATJNIAN PLAINS OB OF
CHALONS

Jordanes, " History of the Goths," chap. 38. Mierow's Translation

In 451 A.D. Attila the Hun with his hordesmen, after having
been repulsed before Orleans in Gaul, was brought to bay by Aetius,

451 A.D.] BATTLE OF CATALAUNIAN PLAINS 323

the Roman general, and his allies, the Germanic Visigoths, Bur-
gundians, and Franks. It should be remembered in this connection
that the Huns were, if possible, more hated by the Germans than
by the Romans. The battle represented the first alliance of the
western races against " the yellov peril." Even if Attila had won,
his empire would probably have soon gone to pieces, but not until
an irreparable shock had been given the civilized life of Gaul.

The armies met in the Catalaunian Plains. The battle
field was a plain rising by a sharp slope to a ridge which
both armies sought to gain ; for advantage of position is a
great help. The Huns with their forces seized the right
side, the Romans, the Visigoths and their allies the left, and
then began a struggle for the yet untaken crest. Now
Theodorid with his Visigoths held the right wing, and
Aetius with the Romans the left' [of the line against Attila].
On the other side, the battle line of the Huns was so arranged
that Attila and his bravest followers were stationed in the
center. In arranging them thus the king had chiefly
his own safety in view, since by his position in the very
midst of his race, he would be kept out of the way of threat-
ened danger. The innumerable peoples of divers tribes,
which he had subjected to his sway, formed the wings,
Now the crowd of kings if we may call them so and the
leaders of various nations hung upon Attila's nod like slaves,
and when he gave a sign even by a glance, without a murmur
each stood forth in fear and trembling, or at all events did
as he was bid. Attila alone was king of kings over all and
concerned for all.

So then the struggle began for the advantage of position
we have mentioned. Attila sent his men to take the summit
of the mountain, but was outstripped by Thorismud [crown
'prince of the Visigoths] and Aetius, who in their effort to
gain the top of the hill reached higher ground, and through
this advantage easily routed the Huns as they came up.

When Attila saw his army was thrown into confusion by

324 DYING EMPIRE AND GERMAN INVADERS

the event he [urged them on with a fiery harangue and . . .]
inflamed by his words they all dashed into the battle.

And although the situation was itself fearful, yet the
presence of the king dispelled anxiety and hesitation. Hand
to hand they clashed in battle, and the fight grew fierce,
confused, monstrous, unrelenting a fight whose like no
ancient time has ever recorded. There were such deeds
done that a brave man who missed this marvelous spectacle
could not hope to see anything so wonderful all his life long.
For if we may believe our elders a brook flowing between
low banks through the plain was greatly increased by blood
from the wounds of the slain. Those whose wounds drove
them to slake their parching thirst drank water mingled
with gore. In their wretched plight they were forced to
drink what they thought was the blood they had poured out
from their own wounds.

Here King Theodorid [the Visigoth] while riding by to
encourage his army, was thrown from his horse and trampled
under foot by his own men, thus ending his days at a ripe
old age. But others say he was slain by the spear of Andag
of the host of the Ostrogoths who were then under the sway
of Attila. Then the Visigoths fell on the horde of the Huns
and nearly slew Attila. But he prudently took flight and
straightway shut himself and his companions within the
barriers of the camp which he had fortified with wagons.
[The battle now became confused : chieftains became sepa-
rated from their forces : night fell with the Roman-Gothic
army holding the field of combat.]

At dawn on the next day the Romans saw that the fields
were piled high with corpses, and that the Huns did not
venture forth ; they thought that the victory was theirs, but
knew that Attila would not flee from battle unless over-
whelmed by a great disaster. Yet he did nothing cowardly,
like one that is overcome, but with clash of arms sounded
the trumpets and threatened an attack. [His enemies] de-

461 A.D.] THE YOUTH OF THEODORIC 325

ter mined to wear him. out by a siege. It is said that the
king remained supremely brave even in this extremity and
had heaped up a funeral pyre of horse trappings, so that if
the enemy should attack him he was determined to cast
himself into the flames, that none might have the joy of
wounding him,, and that the lord of so many races might
not fall into the hands of his foes.

[However, owing to dissensions between the Eomans and
Goths he was allowed to escape to his home land, and] in
this most famous war of the bravest tribes, 160,000 men are
said to have been slain on both sides.

127. THE YOUTH AND EISE TO POWER OF THEODORIC
THE OSTROGOTH

Jordanes, " History of the Goths," chaps. 52 and 57. Mierow's Trans-
lation.

The Ostrogoths had been reduced to vassalage by the Huns.
After the breakup of Attila's empire, they recovered then* liberty,
and entered the Eastern Empire seeking a place of settlement and
booty, something after the manner of their kinsfolk the Visi-
goths. How they found a king in the semi-Romanized Theodoric,
and how he decided to transfer his people from the Balkan penin-
sula to Italy, is told by the Gothic historian. Despite, however, a
show of Eoman manners, it is likely that Theodoric always remained
at heart a barbarian.

[At the time peace was made between the Ostrogoths and
the Eomans] the Eomans received as a hostage of peace,
Theodoric the son of [prince] Thiudimer. He had now at-
tained the age of seven years and was entering upon his
eighth [461 A.D.]. While his father hesitated about giving
him up, his uncle Yalamir, besought him to do it, hoping that
peace between the Eomans and the Q-oths might thus be
assured. Therefore Theodoric was given as a hostage by
the Goths and brought to the city of Constantinople to the

326 DYING EMPIRE AND GERMAN INVADERS

Emperor Leo, and, being a goodly child; deservedly gained
the imperial favor.

[After a while Theodoric returned as a young man to his
people and became king over them. He -was treated with
great favor by the Emperor Zeno (474-491) but resolved to
go as the Emperor's deputy to Italy, and deliver it from the
Eugi and other barbarians oppressing it, saying to Zeno],
" If I prevail I shall retain Italy as your grant and gift :
if I am conquered Your Piety will lose nothing." So the
Emperor sent him forth enriched by great gifts and
commended to his charge the Senate and the Roman
People.

Therefore Theodoric departed from the royal city and re-
turned to his own people. In company with the whole tribe
of the Goths who gave him their unanimous consent he set
out for Hesperia. He went in a straight march through
Sirinium to the places bordering on Pannonia and, advancing
into the territory of Venetia, as far as the bridge of the Son-
tius, encamped there. When he had halted there for some
time to rest the bodies of his men and pack animals,
Odoacer sent an armed force against him which he met on
the plains of Verona, and destroyed with great slaughter.
Then he broke camp and advanced through Italy with
greater boldness. Crossing the river Po, he pitched camp
near the royal city of Ravenna.

When Odoacer saw this, he fortified himself within the
city* He frequently harassed the army of the Goths at night,
sallying forth stealthily with his men, and this not once or
twice, but often; and thus he struggled for almost three
whole years. But he labored in vain, for all Italy at last
called Theodoric its lord and the Empire obeyed his nod. 1
But Odoacer suffered daily from war and famine in Ravenna.
Since he accomplished nothing he sent an embassy and

1 Of course an exaggeration. He had little or no power outside of
Italy.

550 A.D.] A DESCRIPTION OF CONSTANTINOPLE 32?

begged for mercy. Theodoric first granted it, then deprived
him of his life. 1

It was in the third year [493 A.D.] after his entrance into
Italy that Theodoric, by the advice of the Emperor Zeno,
laid aside the garb of a private citizen and the dress of his
race, and assumed a costume with a royal mantle, as he had
now become a ruler both over Goths and Bomans.

128. A DESCRIPTION OF CONSTANTINOPLE UNDER THE
EASTERN EMPERORS

Abridged from Bury, " History of the Later Roman Empire," vol. I,
pp. 52 ff.

A distinguished English scholar gives us this description of
Constantinople in the fifth and sixth centuries A.D., when it was
displacing Borne as the greatest city of the world* Thanks to
the wholesale plundering of more ancient places, it was probably
even more magnificent than " Old Koine " at its best. During
much of the subsequent Middle Ages, Constantinople was about
the only place in Europe where a modern man could have found
quasi civilized conditions of life.

The shape of Constantinople is triangular. Ifc is bounded
on two sides by water and on one side by land. At the
east corner and on the south side it is washed by the Bos-
phorus, which flows at first almost from north to south and
then takes a southeastern course ; on the north by the inlet
of the Bosphorus, which was called the Golden Horn ; and
on the west by the wall of Constantine, protecting the en-
larged city.

A traveler coming [overland from Italy] would enter
Constantinople by the " G-olden Gate " erected by Theodosius
the Great. A long street with covered colonnades sug-
gesting an eastern town on either side would lead him in
a due easterly direction to the great Milion, the milestone

1 Qdoacer seems to have been slain most treacherously.

328 DYING EMPIRE AND GERMAN INVADERS

from which all distances were measured. For since Con-
stantinople had become the capital all roads tended thither.
But before he saw the Milion, the traveler would be struck
by the imposing mass and great dome of the [cathedral of]
St. Sophia, the eternal monument of Justinian and his
architect Anthemius. As he stood in front of the west
entrance of the great church the northern side of the hippo-
drome would be on his right hand.

Then passing a few steps farther, and standing with his
back to St. Sophia he would see stretching before him south-
ward a long rectangular place, bounded on one side by the
eastern wall of the hippodrome and on the other by the
western wall of the Imperial palace. . '. . This place was called
the Augusteum, that is the place of Augustus. . . The mag-
nificence of Justinian had paved this piazza with marble, and
the southern part was distinguished as the " Marble Place,"
while the northern part was called Milion from the build-
ing of that name close by.

The Milion was not a mere pillar ; it was a roofed build-
ing open at the sides, supported by seven pillars, and within
were to be seen the statues of Cbnstantine the Great [and
other imperial personages. Along the eastern side of the
Augusteum were some other important buildings, especially
a splendid long portico and the baths of Zeuxippus, a mag-
nificent structure, rebuilt after a conflagration by Justinian.
Close by it were the elegant Senate House, and Palace of
the Patriarch which] contained a splendid hall, called the
Thomaites, and also halls of justice for the hearing of
ecclesiastical cases.

The Hippodrome was the scene of many important politi-
cal movements and transactions at Constantinople. Its
length from north to south was 639 cubits, its breadth about
158. Its southern end was of crescent shape. The northern
end was occupied by a small two-storied palace, and the
Emperor beheld the games from a box or cctfMsraa which

550 A.D.] A DESCRIPTION OF CONSTANTINOPLE 329

he entered from the palace by a winding stair. Under the
palace were porticoes in which horses and chariots were
kept. The hippodrome had at least four gates ; one to the
right of the cathisma through which the "Blue" 1 faction
was wont to enter, a second corresponding on the left, which
was appropriated by the Greens, [and two others for dif-
ferent purposes]. . . .

[Near the Augusteum rose the main Imperial palace, a
magnificent and huge structure, but owing to the rack of
time it is impossible to trace out all its wonderful halls of
audience, gilded and mosaic-lined chambers, governmental
offices, barracks for the guard, gardens, and the like.]

Also from Bury, " History of the Later Roman Empire," vol. H, p. 55

The population of Constantinople at the beginning of the
sixth century has been calculated at about 1,000,000. It was
full of Gepids, Goths, Lombards, Slaves and Huns as well
as Orientals : Abasgian eunuchs and Colchian guards might
be seen in the streets. . , .

In the urban arrangements of Constantinople, for the com-
fort of whose inhabitants the Emperors were always solicit-
ous, the law of Zeno (474-494 A.D.), which provided for a sea
prospect, is noteworthy. The height of the houses built on
the hills overlooking the sea was regulated in such a way
that the buildings in front should not interfere with the
view of the houses behind. Besides the corn, imported
from Egypt, which was publicly distributed to the citizens
in the form of bread, the chief food of the Byzantines was
salted provisions of various kinds fish, cheese, and ham.
Wine was grown in the surrounding district, and there was
a good vegetable market. Of public amusements there was
no lack. As well as horse races in the hippodrome, there

* The " Blues " and " Greens " were theoretically merely partisans of
rival charioteers, but often they developed into downright political factions,
whose riotous feuds endangered the thrones of Emperors.

330 DYING EMPIRE AND GERMAN INVADERS

were theatrical representations and ballets ; and it is prob*
able that troupes of acrobats and tight-rope dancers often
came over from Asia. [Combats of men with wild animals
were sometimes allowed, but not old style gladiator fights.]
[The mechanical arts and industries flourished. Con-
stantinople was the chief manufacturing city and commer-
cial center in the world; among other things manufactured
were silk fabrics, glazed pottery, mosaic work to adorn
churches and palaces, crosses and crucifixes for Christian
worship, all kinds of fine jewelry, and all kinds of weapons
and armor. The city was in short the wealthiest, most civi-
lized, best governed spot in Christendom all through the
earlier Middle Ages. In it the shipping and caravans of
East and West met for commerce. There was absolutely
no other city in Europe and very few in Asia that could
rival it, even faintly.]

129. THE TITLE OF A LATER ROMAN EMPEROR

From the Preamble of the " Institutes " of Justinian. Movie's Translation

Under the later emperors there was not the least abatement in
their claims to universal sovranty. If barbarian kings had
seized certain provinces, their possession was in theory only tem-
porary. Justinian (527 to 565 A.D.) did indeed reconquer many
of the lost lands, but his title would have been no less high-
sounding and grandiloquent if his reign had been disastrous. An
emperor was still a god on earth.

The Emperor Caesar Flavius Justinianus, conqueror of
the Alemanni, the Goths, the Franks, the Germans, the
Antes, the Alani, the Vandals, the Africans; pious,
prosperous, renowned, victorious and triumphant, * ever
august.

[He asserts in the course of the preamble to his laws :]
The barbarian nations which we have subjugated know our
valor, Africa and other provinces without number being

496A.D.] CLOVIS THE FRANK 331

once more, after so long an interval, reduced beneath the
sway of Borne, by victories granted by Heaven, and them-
selves bearing witness to our dominion. ALL PEOPLES like-
wise are ruled by laws which we have either enacted or arranged.

130. THE IMPERIAL LAW-MAKING POWER AS DEFINED
BY JUSTINIAN

" Institutes " of Justinian, book I, title n. Moyle's Translation

Under the later Empire practically the sole law-making power
lay with the sovereign Augustus. How absolute was his authority
is bluntly stated in the codification of the Roman Law by Justinian
(published in 533 A.D.). The fiction is still preserved, however,
that the emperor does this because he has been commissioned so
to do by the people. He does not claim to rule simply " by the
grace of God " ; that was a later medieval pretension.

What the emperor determines has the force of a statute,
the people having conferred on him all their authority and
power. Consequently, whatever the emperor settles by
rescript, or decides in his judicial capacity, or ordains by
edicts, is clearly a statute ; and these are what are called
" constitutions." Some of these of course are personal, and
not to be followed as precedents since this is not the
emperor's will ; but others are general and bind beyond all
doubt.

131. How CLOVIS THE FRANK BECAME A CATHOLIC
CHRISTIAN

From the " Chronicle of St. Denis," book I, chaps. 18-19

In 496 A.D. Clovis, the founder of the Frankish power which
was to develop into modem France and Germany, was converted
to Catholic Christianity from heathenism. This was an event of
high historical importance. Jf like other Germanic kings he had
become an Arian heretic, he would have been hopelessly estranged
from his subject Koman population. As it was, the Franks and

332 DYING EMPIRE AND GERMAN INVADERS

the provincials coalesced as in none other of the new barbarian
kingdoms. The story of Clevis's conversion, of course, gave the
pious chroniclers an opening for many edifying anecdotes.

[Clovis having a Catholic wife, Clothilde, was often
urged by her to accept Christianity, but long resisted her
entreaty.]

At this time the King was yet in the errors of his idolatry
[and went to war] with the Alemanni, since he wished to
render them tributary. Long was the battle, many were
slain on one side or the other, for the Franks fought to win
.glory and renown, the Aleinanni to save life and freedom.
When the King at length saw the slaughter of his people
and the boldness of his foes, he had greater expectation of
disaster than of victory. He looked up to heaven humbly,
and spoke thus, "Most mighty God, whom my queen
Ulothilde worships and adores with heart and soul, I pledge
Thee perpetual service unto Thy faith, if only Thou givest
me now the victory over mine enemies."

Instantly when he had said this, his men were filled with
burning valor, and a great fear smote his enemies, so that
they turned the back and fled the battle ; and victory re-
mained with the King and with the Franks. The king of
the Alemanni was slain; and as for the Alemanni, seeing
themselves discomfited, and that their king had fallen,
they yielded themselves to Clovis and his Franks and became
his tributaries.

The King returned after this victory into Frankland. He
went to Reims, and told unto the Queen what had befallen ;
and they together gave thanks unto Our Lord. The King
made his confession of faith from his heart, and with right
good will. The Queen, who was wondrously overjoyed at
the conversion of her lord, went at once to St. Remi, at
that time archbishop of the city.

Straightway he hastened to the palace to teach the King

496 A. D.] CLOVIS THE FRANK 333

the way by which he could come unto God, for his mind was
still in doubt about it. He presented himself "boldly before
his face, although a little while before he [the bishop] had
not dared to come before him.

When St. Eemi had preached to the King the [Christian]
faith and taught him the way of the Cross, and when the
king had known what the faith was, Clovis promised fer-
vently that he would henceforth never serve any save the
all-powerful God. After that he said he would put to the
test and try the hearts and wills of his chieftains and lesser
people : for he would convert them more easily if they were
converted by pleasant means and by mild words, than if they
were driven to it by force ; and this method seemed best to
St. Eemi. The folk and the chieftains were assembled by the
command of the King. He arose in the midst of them, and
spoke to this effect :

" Lords of the Franks, it seems to me highly profitable
that ye should know first of all what are those gods which
ye worship. For we are certain of their falsity: and we
come right freely into the knowledge of Him who is the
true God. Know of a surety that this same God which I
preach to you has given victory over your enemies in the
recent battle against the Alemanni. Lift therefore your
hearts in just hope ; and ask the Sovran Defender, that He
give to you all, that which ye desire that He save our
souls and give us victory over our enemies."

When the King full of faith had thus preached to and
admonished his people, one and all banished from their
hearts all unbelief, and recognized their Creator.

[According to the Chronicle of Frodoard (13), when
shortly afterward Clovis set out for the Church for baptism,
St. Bemi prepared a great procession. The streets of
Reims were hung with, banners and tapestry.] The church
was decorated. The ba-ptistery was covered with balsams

334 DYING EMPIRE AND GERMAN INVADERS

and all sorts of perfumes. The people believed they were
already breathing the delights of paradise. The cortege
set out from the palace, the clergy led the way bearing the
holy Gospels, the cross and banners, chanting hymns and
psalms. Then came the bishop leading the King by the
hand, next the Queen with the multitude. Whilst on the
way the King asked of the bishop, "If this was the King-
dom of Heaven which he had promised him." "Not so,"
replied the prelate ; " it is the road that leadeth unto it."

[When in the church, in the act of bestowing baptism]
the holy pontiff lifted his eyes to heaven in silent prayer
and wept. Straightway a dove, white as snow, descended
bearing in his beak a vial of holy oil. A delicious odor
exhaled from it : which intoxicated those near by with, an
inexpressible delight. The holy bishop took the vial, and
suddenly the dove vanished. Transported with joy at the
sight of this notable miracle, the King renounced Satan,
his pomps and his works; and demanded with earnestness
the baptism; at the moment when he bent his head over the
fountain of life, the eloquent pontiff cried, "Bow down
thine Jiead, fierce Sicambrian ! x Adore that which once thou
hast burned: burn that which thou hast adored !"

After having made his profession of the orthodox faith,
the King is plunged thrice in the waters of baptism. Then
in the name of the holy and indivisible Trinity, Father,
Son, and Holy Ghost, the prelate consecrated him with the
divine unction. [Two sisters of the King and] 3000 fight-
ing men of the Franks and a great number of women and
children were likewise baptized. Thus we may well believe
that day was a day of joy in heaven for the holy angels ;
likewise of rejoicing on earth for devout and faithful men !

[The King showed vast zeal for his new faith. He built
a splendid church at Paris, called St. Genevi&ve, where
later lie and Clothilde were buried.] Faith and religion
i A term practically meaning " Frank."

500A.D.] HOW CLOVIS DISPOSED OF A RIVAL 335

and zeal for justice were pursued by him all the days of
his life.

[Certain Franks still held to paganism, and found a
leader in Prince Eagnachairus] but he was presently de-
livered up in fetters to Clovis who put him to death. Thus
all the Frankish people were converted and baptized by the
merits of St. Eemi.

How Clovis was declared a Roman Patrician (508 A.D.)

Chronicle of St. Denis, I, 23

At this time there came to Clovis messengers from
Anastasius, the emperor of ^ Constantinople, who brought
him presents from their master, and letters whereof the
effect was, that it pleased the emperor and the Senators
that he [Clovis] be made a " Friend of the Emperor," and
a "Patrician " and " Councilor" of the Eomans.

When the King had read these letters, he arrayed him-
self in the robe of a senator, which the emperor had sent
to him. He mounted upon his charger ; and thus he went
to the public square before the church of S. Martin; and
then he gave great gifts to the people. From this day he
was always called " Councilor " and "Augustus." *

132. How CLOVIS DISPOSED or A EIVAL
Gregory of Tours, "History," book n, chap. 40

Clovis reigned over the Franks from 481 to 511 A.D. Both be-
fore and after his nominal conversion to Christianity he showed
himself a wholly evil, unscrupulous savage, who prospered by a
combination of lionlike bravery and vulpine cunning. Neverthe-
less, in view of his favoring " Orthodox " Christianity, the church-
men of the age were willing to condone almost all his acts.

i It is very unlikely that he had any right to the title " Augustus," but
it tickled the barbarian's pride to assume it.

336 DYING EMPIRE AND GERMAN INVADERS

While King Clovis dwelt at Paris he sent secretly to
Cloderic, son of Sigebert, king of Cologne, 1 and said unto him,

" Behold, thy father is old and lame. If he should die,
his kingdom would be thine on the strength of our friend-
ship together."

Then it came to pass that Sigebert quitted the city of
Cologne and crossed the Rhine to enjoy himself in the
forest of Buconia. And as he slept in his tent about noon
time, his son sent assassins against him, and caused him to
perish, in order to gain his kingdom. The murderer sent
messengers to Clovis saying:

"My father is dead, even as was enjoined, and I have in
my possession both his wealth and his kingdom. Send
therefore some of thy people, and I will freely commit to
them whatever thou wishest of his treasures."

[When Clevis's messengers came] Cloderic opened before
them the treasures of his father ; but as he thrust his hand
deep down in [the chest], one of the messengers raised
his " Franciska " 2 and cleft his skull. Then Clovis straight-
way presented himself at Cologne, assembled the folk [there]
and spoke to them :

" Hear ye what has befallen. Whilst I sailed upon the
river Schelde, Cloderic, the son of my kinsman, pursued his
father, pretending that I desired him to kill him ; and while
Sigebert fled across the forest of Buconia, Cloderic compassed
his death by brigands. Then he himself, at the moment
he was opening the treasures of his father, was smitten
and slain ! I know not by whom. I am in no way an ac-
complice in these deeds ; for I cannot shed the blood of my
kinsfolk something utterly unlawful ! But since the thing
is done, I give you council ; if you are willing, receive me [as
your king]. Have recourse to me and put yourselves under
my protection ! "

1 The ruler of an outlying tribe of the Franks.

2 Native Frankish battle ax.

500 A.D.] THE LAW OF THE SALIAN FRANKS 337

The Ripuarian Franks [of Cologne] welcomed these words
with loud applause, and with the clashing of their shields.
They lifted Clovis upon a shield, and proclaimed him king
over them.

[The kind of "Orthodox Christianity" Clovis represented is
shown by the following anecdote from the historian, Gregory of
Tours (II, 37).]

King Clovis said unto his soldiers [being about to fall
upon the Visigoths] :

" It is with heaviness that I see these Arians [heretics]
holding a portion of Gaul. Come now, with the aid of God
let us march on them : and when we have conquered them,
let us make their country submit to our lordship."

[Again Gregory of Tours (II, 40) says of the piety of this
savage :]

"Daily did God cause Clovis's enemies to fall into his hand,
and increased his kingdom ; seeing that he went about with
his heart right before the Lord } and did that which was
pleasing in His eyes,"

133. TYPICAL PASSAGES FROM THE LAW OF THE SALIAN

FBANKS

Henderson, " Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages," book H,
No. 1, pp. 176 ff., extracts

This compilation of the law and customs of the Salian Franks
(an important branch of the Frankish people) was made probably
about 500 A.D. From it one gets a good idea of the Germanic
institution of Wergeld, and how a higher price was set on a
Frank than on a Eoman. Note, too, that this law had to deal
with a very primitive society. Most litigation would be over
crimes of violence, while cases of broken contracts, nice questions
of land title, etc., were far less important.

338 DYING EMPIRE AND GERMAN INVADERS

If any one steal a sucking pig and it be proved against
him, he shall be sentenced to 120 denars, which make 3
shillings.

If any one steal a pig that can live without its mother
he shall be sentenced to 40 denars that is, 1 shilling.

If any one steal that bull which rules the herd and has
never been yoked, he shall be sentenced to 1800 denars,
which make 45 shillings.

If any free man steal, outside the house, something worth
2 denars, he shall be sentenced to 600 denars, which make
15 shillings.

If any slave steal, outside the house, something worth 2
denars, he shall, besides paying the worth of the object and
the fines for delay, be stretched out and receive 120 blows.

If any one shall have assaulted and plundered a free man
and it be proved against him, he shall be sentenced to 2500
denars, which make 63 shillings.

If a Roman has plundered a Salian Frank, the above law
shall be observed.

But if a Frank have plundered a Roman, he shall be
sentenced to 35 shillings.

[Under the title " Concerning Wounds " there is a care-
fully graded line of penalties, e.g. for] striking another on
the head so that the brain appears and the three bones
which lie above the brain shall project [penalty 30 shillings].

[Same penalty plus 5 shillings physician's fee] if the
wound shall be between the ribs or the stomach so that the
wound appears and reaching to the entrails.

If any one shall strike a man so that the blood falls to the
floor [penalty 15 shillings].

[For a fist blow] so that the blood does not flow, for
each blow up to three blows [penalty 3 shillings].

If any one shall have called a woman a " wanton " and
shall not be able to prove it, he shall be sentenced to 1800
denars, or 45 shillings.

500A.D.] THE LAW OP THE SALIAjtf FRANKS 339

For calling another "fox" [penalty 3 shillings].

For calling another "hare" [penalty 3 shillings].

If a man shall have charged another with having thrown
away his shield, 1 and shall not be able to prove it, he shall
be sentenced to 120 denars, or 3 shillings.

If any man have called another " spy," or "perjurer," and
shall not be able to prove it, he shall be sentenced to 600
denars, or 15 shillings.

[Among the penalties for murder are] :

For killing a free Frank, or a barbarian living under the
Salic law [penalty 8000 denars].

But if the slayer have cast him into a well, or covered
him with branches or anything else to conceal him, then the
penalty is 24000 denars, or 600 shillings.

[For killing a Frank in service of the king the penalty is
thrice as great.]

If any one have slain a Roman who eats in the king's
palace [the penalty is 1^000 denars, or 300 shillings].

But if the Roman shall no have been a landed proprietor
and table companion of the King [the penalty is 100 shil-
lings].

But if the Roman was obliged to pay tribute 2 [the penalty
is 63 shillings].

[Under the title " Concerning Private Property " the
entries read] :

If any man die and leave no sons, if the father and
mother survive they shall inherit.

If the father and mother do not survive and he leaves
brothers or sisters, they shall inherit.

But if there are no sisters of the father, the sisters of the
mother shall claim that inheritance.

If there are none of these, the nearest relatives on the
father's side shall succeed to that inheritance.

1 Which implied having fled the battle in a cowardly manner.

2 That is, was a humble plebeian or semi-serf.

340 DYING EMPIRE AND GERMAN INVADERS

But of Salic land no portion of the inheritance shall corns
to a woman, but the whole inheritance of the land shall
come to the male sex. 1

[Title Concerning Wergelcl."]

If any one's father have been killed, the sons shall have
half of the compounding money (wergeld) ; and the other
half the nearest relatives, as well on the mother's side as on
the father's side, shall divide among themselves.

But if there are no relatives, paternal or maternal, that
portion shall go to the public treasury.

i A law invoked eight odd centuries later to prevent a woman from sitting
upon the throne of France. This original law clearly had to do with mere
land ownership ; there was no question here involved of rights to sovranty.
This seems to be, however, the famous Sahc Law of later history.

CHAPTER XI
THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES AND CHARLEMAGNE

After the first clash and roar and confusion of the downfall of
the Western Empire and the coming of the Germans is over,
certain definite factors display themselves in Europe. It is evi-
dent, e.g., that while the Roman Empire is destroyed, many ele-
ments in Roman life and thought are firmly perpetuated within
the new kingdoms of the invaders. Especially in Frankland
(France plus modern Belgium and a large portion of western Ger-
many) do the Merovingian kings inherit many of the forms of
government and traditions of power possessed originally by the
Caesars, and in Frankland especially does the great amalgamating
process go on, which ultimately fuses the Romanized provincials
and the Teutonic invaders into new races ; thus out of the barbarous
kingdom of Olovis are born, slowly and painfully, the glorious na-
tion of France, and her mighty compeer, Germany.

Another important phase of this period is the development in
the Church of certain factors which become important elements in
medieval history especially the institutions of Monasticism,
and the rise of the temporal power of the Papacy; while in the
background of the Western Christian world now looms the rival
society and religion of Islam, which remains a menace to the very
life of Christendom all through the Middle Ages, and which is
destined to make important contributions to the sum total of
modern civilization.

Last of all, at the end of this first medieval period we have
the figure of Charlemagne and his Empire. Eoman and Teuton
in him seemingly have completed their amalgamation. The old
classical civilization and Christianity appear to have entered into
permanent alliance. There is again a Western Empire, apparently
on a far firmer basis than that of the fifth century. The pros-
pect indeed proves to be delusive. The revived Empire is in

341

342 EARLY MIDDLE AGES AND CHARLEMAGNE

reality the creation of one exceedingly able man and of his im-
mediate predecessors. In less than a century it has fallen again
into numerous contending fragments, while society has lapsed into
the " organized anarchy " of the Feudal System. Nevertheless the
reign of Charlemagne may be fairly considered a turning point in
world history. Before him we still speak of " Gaul " and " Gallo-
Romans " ; after him we soon must speak of " France" and " French-
men." In the place of the " vulgar Latin " of the provincials we
soon meet the developing French and German tongues as exem-
plified in the Oaths of Strassburg (842 A.D.). An entirely new set
of problems confronts the historical student, and "Medieval
History " in the strictest sense of the term may be said to begin.
In this chapter will be found excerpts illustrating typical phases
of this most interesting period, although space limitations compel
the omission of much profitable material, especially that relating
to Charlemagne.

134 MAITOTERS AND LIFE IF FBANKLAND IN THE
MEROVINGIAN* PERIOD

Based upon Pannentier, " Album Historique," vol. I, pp. 33 ff,

In Gaul, from the Age of Clovis down to the rise of the Carolingians,
there was terrible confusion, and a setback to all forms of culture
from which it took centuries to recover ; nevertheless the forms of
civilized life were never wholly lost. Pannentier, a modern French
writer, thus summarizes the scanty information as to the manners
and customs of the Frankish conquerors of Gaul drawn from
Gregory of Tours and other contemporary writers.

When the different barbarian peoples were established in
the Empire, they preserved at first their costume and their
manners. But little by little, living among descendants of
the Bomans, who had also kept their own customs, they
borrowed a great deal from the conquered population. These
in turn were influenced by their new masters. A new soci-
ety thus formed itself, which had its manners derived partly
from the Germans, partly from the Romans.

550A.D.] MANNERS AND LIFE IN FRANKLAND 343

The Merovingian kings gave to their people the example
of these changes. They surely distinguished themselves
still by their long and carefully dressed hair, from their sub-
jects who clipped their hair short. As formerly, at their
accession they were lifted upon a shield: the emblem of
their power was always the spear grasped in their hand.
But speedily they took over the insignia of the emperors.
They are represented on their coins with the consular toga
and the imperial diadem. They had a seal. However, the
kings did not as a rule live in " palaces " ; they preferred to
reside in great " villas " in the midst of forests, close by
rivers, at Compiegne, Clichy, etc.

In war the king rode on horseback, surrounded by cavaliers
with lances, forming a kind of guard of honor. Their bar-
barian subjects were armed still after the barbarian manner ;
nevertheless a good many had adopted the Roman military
costume. In sieges they made use of machines and of
methods which the Romans had utilized. Their wars
were usually cruel. They ravaged the country they
attacked, and cut down the standing crops, the vines,
and the fruit trees, Neither monasteries nor churches were
respected. The warriors slew and massacred without pity.

Life in Frarikland during Peace

In times of peace the great " Gallo-Roman " and Frankish
magnates lived by preference in the open country. But the
former, especially in south G-aul, often lived in cities built
after the R.oman fashion. In the north of Gaul, the rich
barbarians resided in great farmsteads, protected by a moat
and a palisaded wall, strengthened by towers ; or, lacking
that, by hedges often as high as a person. These establish-
ments, usually built of wood, contained besides quarters for
the master, many buildings for agricultural purposes, store-
houses, stables, cowsheds, water wheels, and lodgings for
the slaves and serfs who lived near the master. Sometimes

344 EARLY MIDDLE AGES AND CHARLEMAGNE

could be found near the house a garden, with green turfj
flowers, and fruit trees.

The poor folk of the open country lived in mud huts, 01
in cabins of rough boards, with roofs covered with thatch
or with reeds.

In their fine estates the Gallo-Roman nobles devoted their
leisure apart from looking after the upkeep of their estates
to games (among which tennis and dice were the favor-
ites), or to reading, and to efforts at literary composition.
Their wives were kept busy spinning wool and embroider-
ing their garments of ceremony. The Gallo-Romans, too,
as well as the barbarians, loved the chase. As for the
kings, they had still other diversions, e.g. King Childebert
at his palace in Metz took part in games in which some
animal was baited by a pack of hounds.

Eating had a great place in the life of this people, if one
may judge from the descriptions of feasts which contempo-
rary authors give us. Meats were much in demand, es-
pecially pork. The rich ate wheat bread : the poor, barley
bread. The most common beverages were beer, perry (made
from pears), cider, and various wines. After dinner the
men continued to drink, and we know from Gregory of Tours
that neither masters nor varlets drank with moderation.

Cities in Franldand

The rich were all betaking themselves to the country, and
the cities dwindled rapidly in importance. Since the ]ast
years of the Empire, almost all of these had protected
themselves from the barbarians by a circuit of walls. The
cities of the south still retained many of the monuments
wherewith they had been adorned in Roman times. The
northern cities had suffered more from barbarian ravages.
Often they had been quickly rebuilt out of wood, and so
were frequently the prey of conflagrations. Sometimes the
inhabitants simply rebuilt their houses with the wreckage of

500A.D.] USAGES OF THE CHURCH 345

the old buildings. These houses, which sometimes rose t&
three storeys, were grouped around the basilica, where the
faithful came to participate in the religious services, to take
their oaths upon the altar or tomb of the saints, or, in case
of attack, to hide their movable wealth.

Economic Conditions in Frarikland

The agricultural arts were fairly well developed; there
was a certain amount of industry ; the slaves in a great
establishment manufactured about all the articles needed in
it; there was considerable commerce still with Constanti-
nople and the East, especially for spices, silks, cotton goods,
jewelers' wares, etc.; colonies of Syrian merchants .were
located at Paris and other cities ; nevertheless the Merovin-
gian period was a very wretched one. Very often the lands
lay waste, as the result of the continual wars waged by the
princes. Pestilence joined itself to famine, and devastated
whole districts. The rivers, illy guarded in their beds,
produced inundations. Commerce was obstructed by the
bad condition of the roads, which were often infested with
brigands. Let us add to these miseries, the violent deeds
and cruelties of men at once avaricious, ignorant, and brutal,
and there is suggested a picture of the desolation of Gaul in
the days of the Merovingians.

135. USAGES OF THE CHURCH IN THE EARLY MIDDLE

AGES

Based upon Parmentier, " Album Historique," vol. I, pp. 77 ff.

The usages of the Church at the time that the Empire was dis-
solving, and the new barbarian kingdoms were forming, has been
summarized by a very recent French writer.

Beginning with the fifth century the Church began to
distinguish itself from the lay-society in which it dwelled.
Its members have their own peculiar costume: its build

346 EARLY MIDDLE AGES AND CHARLEMAGNE

ings differ from secular edifices : it gives its special rules
to its solemn ceremonies.

At first, the Christian clergy dressed like other men, but
from the fifth century onward the laymen, little by little,
abandoned the old Roman costume, while the clergy pre-
served it, and so separated themselves from the rest of soci-
ety. Already custom had distinguished the two kinds of
clergy the "Regular Clergy" monks under-a "rule"
for their mode of life, and the "Secular Clergy," who
mingled in the doings of the world.

Prom about 500 A.D. the Pope, and the bishops upon
whom he had conferred it, wore, as special insignia, the
pallium, a long tippet of white wool, draped around the
shoulders and the two tips whereof fell one in front, one
behind. It was decorated at the ends by little black crosses.
The bishops only wore the miter commonly in the eleventh
century, but from the eighth century onward the popes wore
the tiara. The clergy were already tonsured. In Carolin-
gian times they ran to great luxury in their dress. The
miniature paintings of this time show us the churchmen
wearing red, purple, blue, and green garments. They had
embroidered " chasubles " 1 and " dalmatics," a adorned with
pearls, laces, and fringes.

Churches were now very numerous. They were of two
kinds, cathedrals, where a bishop had his seat, and others
built at burial places and used for funeral services, funerary
masses, and anniversaries and other commemorations. Often
they were built over the tomb of some old-time martyr. To
the churches it was needful to join baptisteries, erected close
by them : these were small structures containing the bathing
places into which the new Christians entered to be baptized.

1 Either a circular cloak hung from the shoulders, or a broad Iback piece
and narrower front piece connected over the shoulders only. Worn only
by the priest celebrating the Eucharist.

2 A full-length vestment with closed sleeves, slit at the sides.

500A.D.] USAGES OF THE CHURCH 347

The Liturgies of the Church

It was only towards the fourth century that the ceremonies
of the Christian worship the " Liturgy " became some-
what fixed. But the liturgy varied always according to the
different ecclesiastical provinces. Between the fourth and
eighth centuries the mass was said after two manners. In the
churches of the north of Italy, Gaul, Spain, Britain and
Ireland they followed the so-called Gallican Usage. This
Usage had peculiarities somewhat like the liturgy used in
the Orient. At Eome and in Africa they followed a more
original usage, the Roman Usage. This liturgy only sup-
planted the other in the eighth century, at the time of the
great reform of the clergy undertaken by the Carolingian
princes. In Spain the Gallican Usage held its own down
to the eleventh century, and during the whole of the Merovin-
gian epoch mass was thus celebrated in Gaul.

The Church Holidays

It is during this time that the principal holidays of
Christianity began to be observed. The "movable feasts "
were always borrowed from the Jewish calendar; e.g.
Easter and Pentecost: but the observance of Lent did not
date back of the fourth century. The celebration of Palm
Sunday by a procession with palms was at first peculiar to
Jerusalem, and only spread to the West in the eighth and
ninth centuries. Among the " fixed feasts " Christmas began
to be celebrated in the fourth century. It is also beginning
with this period that they began to observe by festivals the
different events in the life of the Virgin Mary, the merits
of the great saints, the anniversaries of martyrs. Most of
the greater feasts were preceded by fasts.

The bishop of Vienne, Mammertius, introduced into
Gaul in the fifth century the practise of Rogations. These
consisted in a procession around the country, accompanied

348 EARLY MIDDLE AGES AND CHARLEMAGNE

by prayers, chants, and invocations of God, the angels, and
the saints. The dedication of churches, the translation of
saints 3 relics, something held greatly in honor during this
period, were also accompanied by important ceremonies.
It was at this time too that the use was established of con-
secrating by prayer the different hours of the day ; and
from this period the " holy office " was celebrated daily in
the churches at " the canonical hours " with the participa-
tion of the clergy and under their direction.

136. ST. SIMEON- STTLITES AITD HOW HE ACHIEVED
HOLINESS

Evagrius, "Ecclesiastical History," book I, chap. 13. Bohn Translation

Very early after their inception, the monks of the Greco-Oriental
church ran off into practices which the more rational Latin church of
the West never imitated. What passed for " extreme holiness "
in Syria in the fifth century A.D. is shown by this story of St. Simeon
of the Pillar. Attempts in Gaul to imitate this man were wisely
frowned upon by the Church authorities.

In these times [about 440 A.D.] flourished and became
illustrious, SIMEON, of holy and famous memory, who origi-
nated the contrivance of stationing himself on the top of a
column, thereby occupying a space of scarce two cubits in
circumference. This man, endeavoring to realize in the
flesh the existence of the heavenly hosts, lifts himself above
the concerns of earth, and overpowering the downward tend-
ency of man's nature, is intent on things above. [He was
adored by all the countryside, wrought many miracles, and
the Emperor Theodosius II listened to his advice and sought
his benediction.]

Simeon prolonged his endurance of this mode of life
through 56 years ; nine of which he spent in the first mon-
astery where he was instructed in divine knowledge, and

440A.D.] ST. SIMEON STYLITES 349

47 in the " Mandra " as it was called ; namely, ten in a cer-
tain nook ; on shorter columns, seven ; and thirty upon one
of forty cubits. 1 After his departure [from this life] his
holy body was conveyed to Antioch, escorted by the garri
son, and a great concourse guarding the venerable body,
lest the inhabitants of the neighboring cities should gather
and carry it off. In this manner it was conveyed to
Antioch, and attended, during its progress, with extraordi-
nary prodigies.

[The body] has been preserved nearly entire until my time
[about 580]; and in company with many priests, I enjoyed
a sight of his sacred head, in the episcopate of the famous
Gregory, whenPhilippicus had requested that precious relic
of the saints might be sent him for the protection of the
Eastern armies. [The head was well preserved save for
the teeth] some of which had been violently removed by
the hands of the pious [for relics],

[According to another writer, Theodoret, in Simeon's life-
time, he was visited by pilgrims from near and far ; Persia,
Ethiopia, Spain, and even Britain. To these at times he
delivered sermons. He wore on his body a heavy iron
chain. In praying, " he bent his body so that his forehead
almost touched his feet." A spectator once counted 1244
repetitions of this movement, and then gave up reckoning.
Simeon took only one scanty meal per week, and fasted
through the season of Lent. It is alleged that the devil
having afflicted him with an ulcer in his thigh as reward
for a little self-righteousness, Simeon, as penance, never
touched the afflicted leg upon the pillar again, and stood
for the remaining year of his life upon one leg.] 2

1 Say sixty feet or higher.

2 Some of these details are, no doubt, exaggerations, but the feats in
physical austerity of Simeon hardly surpass those of the sacred fakirs of
India.

350 EARLY MIDDLE AGES AND CHARLEMAGNE

137. EXTRACTS FROM THE MONASTIC RULE OF ST. BENE-
DICT

Abridged from Henderson, " Select Historical Documents of the Middle
Ages," book m, 1, p. 274 if.

In 529 A.D. St. Benedict of Nursia founded at Monte Casino
in Campania a famous monastery. The "rule," or system of
government, which he gave it, became a model for countless other
monasteries. Benedict was not a fanatic. He gave no impossible
precepts of austerity, like certain monkish leaders in the East.
In him again the old practical Roman spirit manifested itself.
Thousands of men have sought holiness in the Benedictine clois-
ters, and the system they followed possesses abiding interest.

Prologue. We are about to found a school for the Lord's
service, ; in the organization of which we trust that we shall
ordain nothing severe and nothing burdensome. But even
if, the demands of justice dictating it, something a little
irksome shall be the result . . . thou shalt not therefore,
struck by fear, flee the way of salvation. But as one's way
of life and one's faith progresses, the heart becomes broad-
ened, and with unutterable sweetness of love, the way of the
mandates of the Lord is traversed.

What the Abbot should be like. An abbot who is worthy
to preside over a monastery ought always to remember what
he is called, and carry out with his deeds the name of a
" Superior " ; for he is believed to be Christ's representa-
tive. And so the abbot should not teach or decree or order
anything apart from the precept of the Lord ; but his order
or teaching should be sprinkled with the ferment of divine
justice in the minds of his disciples. . . . [Only where
he has exercised his uttermost care and ability can he be
absolved of responsibility to God if his monks go astray.]

Concerning obedience. [The monks are to practice humility
by implicitly obeying their superiors.] And in the same
moment let command of the master and the perfected work

529A.D.] MONASTIC RULE OF ST. BENEDICT 351

of the disciple both together in the swiftness of the fear
of God be called into being by those who are possessed *
with a desire of advancing to eternal salvation. Thus living
not according to their own judgment, nor obeying their own
desires and commands; let them desire an abbot to rule
over them.

Whether the monks should have anything of their own ?
More than any other thing is this special vice to be cut off
root and branch from the monastery, that one should
presume to give or receive anything without the order of the
abbot, or should have anything of his own. He should have
absolutely nothing neither a book, nor tablets, nor a pen
nothing at all, for indeed it is not allowable to the monks
to have their own bodies or wills in their own power ; but
all things necessary they must expect of the Father of
the monastery.

Concerning the food allowance. We believe that for the
daily refection of the sixth as well as of the ninth hour two
cooked dishes, on account of the infirmities of the different
ones, are enough for all tables ; so that, perchance, whoever
cannot eat of one dish may partake of the other. Therefore
let two cooked dishes suffice for all the brothers ; if it is
possible to obtain apples or growing vegetables, a third may
be added. One full pound of bread shall suffice for a day;
and [ . . . half a hemina of wine, 1 but care must be taken
to prevent overindulgence].

Concerning the daily manual labor. Idleness is the enemy
of the soul. And therefore, at fixed times, the brothers
ought to be occupied in manual labor ; and again at fixed
times in sacred reading. Therefore we believe that both
seasons ought to be arranged [so that the time for sleeping,
praying, working, eating, and reading be carefully ap-
portioned].

Whether a monk should be allowed to receive letters or any-

1 About half a pint.

352 EARLY MIDDLE AGES AND CHARLEMAGNE

tiling ? By no means shall it be allowed to a monk eithei
'from his relatives, or from any man, or from one of his
fellows to receive or give, without order of the abbot,
letters, presents, or any gift however small. But even if by his
relatives anything has been sent to him, he shall not presume
to receive it, unless it has been first shown to the abbot.
But if he order it to be received, it shall be in the power of
the abbot to give it to whomever he will ; and the brother
to whom it happened to be sent shall not be chagrined.

[The Independence of the monastery from the world.] A
monastery ought if it can be done to be so arranged
that everything necessary, water, a mill, a garden, a
bakery, may be made use of, and different arts be carried
on within the monastery, so that there shall be no need for
the monks to wander about outside; for this is not at all
good for their souls.

How the monks sliall sleep. They shall sleep separately
in separate beds. If it can be done, they shall all sleep in
one place; [if too numerous] by tens and twenties. A candle
shall always be burning in that same cell until early in the
morning. They shall sleep clothed, and girt with belts or
with ropes, and they shall not have their knives at their
sides while they sleep, lest perchance in a dream they should
wound the sleepers. And let the monks be always on the
alert [to rise with great promptness, without grumbling,
upon the signal] .

138. LEGAL CONDITIONS AND THE PERSONALITY OF LAW
DURING THE BARBARIAN SETTLEMENT

Vinogradoff, " Roman Law in Mediaeval Europe," pp. 14-18, abridged

The perplexing problems that arose during the death struggle
of the Empire and the rise of the new Germanic kingdoms as to
the legal systems under which all the heterogeneous peoples
Romans, Franks, Goths, Burgundians, etc. might dwell, is here

500A.D.] LEGAL CONDITIONS 353

stated by a modern writer ; there is also given an explanation of
the rough-and-ready methods by which a very difficult problem
was handled.

It must be noticed that no State of this period was strong
enough to enforce a compact legal order of its own, exclud-
ing all other laws, or treating them as enactments confined
to aliens. Even the most powerful of the barbarian govern-
ments . . . such as the Lombard or Prankish, dealt with a
state of affairs based on a mixture of legal arrangements.
The Carolingian rulers, and especially Charlemagne, intro-
duced some unity in matters of such vital importance to
the government, but racial differences were allowed to crop
up everywhere. Law became necessarily personal and local
in its application.

The forcible entry of the Goths, Lombards, and Pranks
into the provinces did not in any sense involve the disap-
pearance or denationalization of the Roman inhabitants.
The legal status of the latter was allowed to continue. The
personality of a Roman was valued in a peculiar way,
differing from the barbarians that surrounded him. It cost
200 soldi to atone for the homicide of a Roman in Prankish
Gaul. All intercourse between Romans was ruled by the
law of their race. When a Roman of Toulouse married a
girl of the same race, she brought him a dos in accordance
with Paulus's Sententice. 1 He exercised a father's authority
over his children, on the strength of the ancient custom of
patria potestas as modified by the laws of Constantine.
[And so Roman law ruled the provincials in matters of
wills, property, etc.]

In all these and in many other respects the legal rights
of the Roman would be at variance with those of his Ger-
man neighbors. These again would act differently, each
according to his own peculiar nationality, as Salian Franks,

i A well-known Roman law book.

354 EARLY MIDDLE AGES AND CHARLEMAGNE

or Ripuarian [Franks], Bavarians, or Burgundians, etc.
The position became very intricate when members of differ-
ent nationalities; living under different laws, were brought
together to transact business with each other. As Bishop
Agobard of Lyons tells us about 850 A.D. it happened con-
stantly that five people meeting in one room, each followed
a law of his own.

The reports of a trial [in Gaul] between the monasteries
of Fleury on the Loire, and St. Denis provides a good illus-
tration of the points raised on such occasions. The case
was brought before the tribunal of the Prankish Court. It
was found necessary to adjourn it, because both [litigants]
were ecclesiastical corporations, and as such entitled to a
judgment according to Roman Law, of which none of the
judges was cognizant. Experts in Roman Law are sum-
moned as assessors, and the trial proceeds at the second
meeting of the tribunal. The parties would like to prove
their right by single combat between their witnesses, but
one of the assessors of the court protests against the wag-
ing of battle, on the ground that such a mode of proof
would be contrary to Roman Law. The point at issue is
therefore examined and decided according to Roman rules
of procedure, that is, by the production of witnesses and
documents. . . .

The rules for allowing or disallowing recourse to one or
the other personal law were necessarily rather complicated.
For instance, the payment of fines for crimes was appor-
tioned according to the law of the criminal, and not of the
offended party. As regards contracts, each party was held
bound by the rule of its own law ; but if the contract was
accompanied by a wager, it was interpreted according to
the law of the party making the wager. In the case of
a contract corroborated by a deed (carta), the legal form
and interpretation depended on the status of the person
executing the deed. Some cases [were still more complex,

600 A.D.] MEDIEVAL ORDEAL FORMULAS 355

e.g."] in an Italian charter of 780, we find that a certain
Felix makes a donation to his daughter, and receives of
her a launegild (a compensation), according to the Lombard
Law, although as a clerk he is himself subject to Roman
Law. The reason is that, while still a layman, he received
the property in question from his wife according to Lom-
bard Law.

139. MEDIEVAL OBDEAL FOBMTJLAS

Henderson, " Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages/* book m,
No. 2, p. 314 ff.

In resorting to the casting of lots or to various forms of ordeals
to determine questions of guilt, the churchmen and laity of the
Middle Ages found ample authority in the Bible (e.g. Jonah,
chap. I, vs. 7). Again the whole process of referring a vexed
question to an infallible Deity would seem highly satisfactory to
a people still in a state of very simple faith. Besides this, it
must be remembered that the means of sifting evidence skillfully,
according to the methods of modern courts, were very imperfect.

The Judgment of the Glowing Iron

After the accusation has been lawfully made and three
days have passed in fasting and prayer, the priest clad in
his sacred vestments shall take with the tongs the iron
placed before the altar, and singing "The Hymn of the
Three Youths/' 1 namely, "Bless Him all His works," he
shall bear the iron to the fire and shall say this prayer over
the place where the fire is to carry out the judgment:
"Bless, Lord God, this place that there may be for us
in it sanctity, chastity, virtue, and victory, and holiness,
humility, goodness, gentleness, and plenitude of law and
obedience to God the Father and the Son and the Holy
Ghost."

1 The three children of Israel cast into the furnace by Nebuchadnezzar
of Babylon.

356 EARLY MIDDLE AGES AND CHARLEMAGNE

After this the iron shall be placed in the fire, and shall
be sprinkled with holy water; and while it is heating he
shall celebrate mass. But when the priest shall have taken
the Eucharist, he shall adjure the man who is about to be
tried . . . and cause him to take the communion.

Then the priest shall sprinkle holy water above the iron
and shall say, " The blessing of God descend upon this iron
for the discerning of the right judgment of God." And
straightway the accused shall carry the iron to a distance of
nine feet. Finally his hand shall be covered under seal for
three days, and if festering blood be found in the track of
the iron, he shall be judged guilty. But if, however, he
shall go forth uninjured, praise shall be rendered to God.

The Judgment of Boiling Water

Having performed the mass the priest shall descend to
the place appointed, where the trial itself shall be gone
through with ; he shall carry with him the book of gospels
and a cross and shall chant a moderate litany, and [when
finished] he shall exorcise and bless that water before it
boils.

After this he shall divest the accused of his garments,
and clothe him with clean vestments of the church, that is,
with the garment of an exorcist or of a deacon and shall
cause him to kiss the gospel and the cross of Christ, [and
sprinkle him with the water, and cause him to drink
thereof]. Then pieces of wood shall be put under the
caldron, and the priest shall say prayers when the water
itself shall begin to grow warm. . . . And that boiling
water shall be put down hastily near the fire, and the judge
shall suspend that stone, bound to that measure, within
that same water, in the accustomed way.

Thus he who enters to be tried by the judgment shall ex-
tract it thence in the name of God Himself. Afterward
with great diligence his hand shall be wrapped up, signed

625 A.D.] TYPICAL PASSAGES FROM THE KORAN 357

with the seal of the judge, until the third day ; when it shall
be viewed and judged of by suitable men.

[TJie Judgment of the Morsel was another ordeal, when
after due prayers and exorcisms all the parties accused of a
theft partook of consecrated bread and cheese ; the priest
saying as he places the morsel in the mouth of each defend-
ant,] " I conjure thee, man, by God [and all the saints],
that if thou werest partner in this theft, or didst know of it,
or have any fault in it, that bread and cheese may not pass
thy gullet and throat ; but that thoa mayest tremble like an
aspen leaf ; and have no rest, man, until thou dost vomit
it forth with blood, if thou hast committed aught in the mat-
ter of the aforesaid theft."

140. TYPICAL PASSAGES FROM THE KORAN

Rodwell's translation of the Koran by Mohammed

Mohammed was an illiterate man. After he came to have a
following, his disciples reduced his utterances to writing, and under
the first kalif (Ahu-Bekr) they were put in some sort of order,
albeit with very slight editing. There are 114 suras (chapters).
We find no narrative as in the Bible ; the suras are, some of them,
religious poems (something like the Hebrew psalms), sometimes
lists of formal injunctions and precepts to the prophet's followers.
They are in rhythmic prose, and occasionally rise almost to the
level of noble poetry. The Koran can best be understood by
remembering that it was composed by a Bedouin Arab in Bedouin
language and metaphor. With some pains to make out the figures
of speech, Mohammed's religious meanings are fairly easy to under-
stand.

The Moslem "Lord's Prayer." [Sura 2]

In the Name of Allah the Compassionate and Merciful. 1
Praise be to Allah, Lord of the worlds !
The compassionate, the merciful!
i All the suras (chapters) of the Koran properly "begin with this formula.

358 EARLY MIDDLE AGES AND CHARLEMAGNE

King of the day of reckoning !

Thee only do we worship, and to Thee do we cry for help.
Guide Thou us on the straight path,

The path of those to whom Thou art gracious : with whom
Thou art not angry, and who go not astray.

The Day of Judgment and the Fate Hereafter. [Sura 87]

Hath the tidings of the day [of judgment] that shall over-
shadow reached thee ?

Downcast on that day shall be the countenances of some,
Travailing and worn,
Burnt at the scorching fire,
Made to drink from a fountain fiercely boiling.
Ho food shall that have but the fruit of Darih/
Which shall not fatten, nor appease their hunger.

Joyous too on that day, [shall be] the countenances of

others,

Well pleased with their labors past,
In a lofty garden.

No vain discourse shalt thou hear therein ;
Therein shall be raised couches,
And goblets ready placed,
And cushions laid in order,
And carpets spread forth.

Can they not look up to the clouds, how they are created;

And to the heaven how it is upraised ;

And to the mountains how they are rooted ;

And to the earth, how it is outspread ?

Warn them then, for thou 2 art a warner only;

Thou hast no authority over them ;

But whoever shall turn back and disbelieve,

Allah shall punish him with greater punishment,

1 A thorny, bitter shrub

2 God is conceived as giving this message to Mohammed.

625 A.D.] TYPICAL PASSAGES FROM THE KORAN 359

Verily to Us shall they return ;

Then shall it be Ours to reckon with them.

The Fate of the Righteous and Wicked. [Sura 87]

[As to the righteous] a banquet shall they have,

A banquet of fruits, and honored shall they be,

In the gardens of delight,

Upon couches face to face.

A cup shall be borne round among them from a fountain ;

Limpid, delicious to those who drink :

It shall not oppress the sense, nor shall they therewith be

drunken.
And with them are the large-eyed ones [the houris] with

modest, refraining glances. . . .
Truly great is their felicity !
[And the wicked in turn must eat of the tree Ez-

zakkoum.]

It is a tree that cometh up from the bottom of hell ;
Its fruits are as it were the heads of Satans ;
And lo! the damned shall surely eat of it, and fill their

bellies with it.

Then shall they have thereon a mixture of boiling water 5
Then shall they return to hell !

The Mandate of God to Mohammed and his Followers.
[Sura 731

Thou enfolded in thy mantle:

Stand up ... for prayer.

For we shall devolve on thee mighty words :

Verily at the oncoming of night are devout impressions

strongest, and words are most collected.
But in the day time thou hast continual employ
And commemorate the name of thy Lord, and devote thy*

self to him with entire devotion.

360 EARLY MIDDLE AGES AND CHARLEMAGNE

Lord of the East and of the West ! No God is there but
He ! Take Him for thy protector !

The day coraeth when the earth and the mountains shall be
shaken: and the mountains become a loose heap of
sand.

Verily we have sent you an Apostle to witness against you,
even as we sent an Apostle [Moses] to Pharaoh.

And how if ye believe not, will you screen yourselves
from the day that shall turn children grayheaded ?

The very heaven shall be reft asunder by it : this threat
shall be carried into effect.

Lo ! this is a warning. Let him who will, take the way to
his Lord.

Of a truth, thy Lord knoweth that thou [0 Mohammed]
prayest two thirds, or half, or a third of the night, as
do a part of thy followers. But Allah measureth the
night and the day : He knoweth that ye cannot count
its hours aright, and therefore, turneth to you merci-
fully. Recite then so much of the Koran as may be
easy to you. 1 He knoweth that there will be some
among you sick, while others travel through the earth
in quest of the bounties of Allah ; and others do battle
in His cause. Recite therefore so much of it as may
be easy. And observe the prayers and pay the legal
alms, and lend Allah a liberal loan; for whatever good
works ye send on before for your own behoof, ye shall
find with Allah. This will be best and richest in the
recompense. And seek the forgiveness of Allah ; verily
Allah is forgiving [and] merciful !

1 Note the extremely practical and accommodating spirit of these pre-
cepts. There is nothing in them of the Christian doctrines of perfection.
Any man of average' zeal and conscientiousness could be a good
Moslem.

625 A.D.] TYPICAL PASSAGES FROM THE KORAN 361

Various Passages illustrating Mohammed's Doctrine

On the Unity of God. [Sura 11%.~\

Declare Allah, is God alone :

Allah the Eternal !

He begetteth not, and He is not begotten.

And there is none like unto Him.

On attacking Christians and Jews. [Sura .]
Make war upon such of those to whom the Scriptures have
been given as believe not in Allah or in the last day, and
who forbid not that which Allah and his Apostle have
forbidden, and who profess not the profession of the
truths, until they pay tribute by right of subjection,
and they be humbled.

On the Mission of Mohammed. [Sura SSJ]

Prophet! we have sent thee to be a witness, and a

herald of glad tidings and a warner !
And one who, through His own permission, summoneth

to Allah and a light giving torch.
Announce therefore to believers, that great boons await

them from Allah I

On TJie Last Dread Judgment. [Sura 99."]

When the Earth with her quakings shall quake,

And the earth shall cast forth her burdens,

And men shall say " What aileth her ? "

On that day shall she tell out her tidings,

Because thy Lord shall have inspired her.

On that day shall men come forward in throngs [from the

dead] to behold their works.
And whosoever shall have wrought an atom's weight of

good he shall behold it!
And whosoever shall have wrought an atom's weight of

evil he shall behold it!

362 EARLY MIDDLE AGES AND CHARLEMAGNE

141. THE OPINION OF MUSA, THE SARACEN CONQUEROR
OF SPAIN, AS TO THE PRANKS

From an Arabian Chronicler. Quoted in Zeller, " Rois Faineants et Maires du
Palais," p. ISO

The following opinion was expressed about the Franks by the
emir who conquered Spain, and who liaxl he not been recalled
might have commanded at Tours. It shows what the Arab leaders
thought of the men of the North up to the moment of their great
disillusionment by " The Hammer."

[Musa being returned to Damascus, the Kalif Abd-el-
Melek asked of him about his conquests,] saying

"Now tell me about these Franks, what is their nature ? "

" They," replied Musa, " are a folk right numerous, and
full of might: brave and impetuous in the attack, but
cowardly and craven in event of defeat."

" And how has passed the war betwixt them and thyself ?
Favorably or the reverse ? "

" The reverse ? No, by Allah and the prophet ! " spoke
Musa. "Never has a company from my army been beaten.
And never have the Moslems hesitated to follow me when I
have led them ; though they were twoscore to fourscore."

142. AN EARLY STORY OF THE BATTLE OF TOURS OR
POITIERS

Isidore of Beja'a " Chronicle." Quoted in Zeller, " Rois Faineants et Maires
da Palais/' p, 122

The defeat of the Saracen invaders of Frankland at Tours (more
properly Poitiers) in 732 A.D. "was a turning point in history. It
is not likely the Moslems, if victorious, would have penetrated,
at least at once, far into the north, hut they would surely have
seized South Gaul, and thence readily have crushed the weak
Christian powers of Italy. It is very unfortunate that we do not
possess scientific accounts of Charles Martel's great victory, instead
of the interesting but insufficient stories of the old Christian
chroniclers.

732A.D.] THE BATTLE OF TOURS 363

Then Abdrahman, [the Moslem emir] seeing the land
filled with the multitude of his army, crossed the Pyrenees,
and traversed the defiles [in the mountains] and the plains,
so that he penetrated ravaging and slaying clear into the
lands of the Franks. He gave battle to Duke Eudes (of
Aquitaine) beyond the Garonne and the Dordogne, and put
him to flight, so utterly [was he beaten] that God alone
knew the number of the slain and wounded. Whereupon
Abdrahman set in pursuit of Endes ; he destroyed palaces,
burned churches, and imagined he could pillage the basilica
of St. Martin of Tours. It is then that he found himself
face to face with the lord of Austrasia, Charles, a mighty
warrior from his youth, and trained in all the occasions of
arms.

For almost seven days the two armies watched one another,
waiting anxiously the moment for joining the struggle.
Finally they made ready for combat. And in the shock of
the battle the men of the North seemed like unto a sea that
cannot be moved. 1 Firmly they stood, one close to another,
forming as it were a bulwark of ice ; and with great blows
of their swords they hewed down the Arabs. Drawn up in
a band around their chief, the people of the Austrasians
carried all before them. Their tireless hands drove their
swords down to the breasts [of the foe].

At last night sundered the combatants. The Franks with
misgivings, lowered their blades, and beholding the number-
less tents of the Arabs, prepared themselves for another
battle the next day. Yery early, when they issued from
their retreat, the men of Europe saw the Arab tents ranged
still in order, in the same place where they had set up their
camp. Unaware that they were utterly empty, and fearful
lest within the phalanxes of the Saracens were drawn up

1 The Saracens may be imagined hurling their splendid cavalry all day
long in battering charges upon Charles's lines, and being unflinchingly
repelled.

364 EARLY MIDDLE AGES AND CHARLEMAGNE

for combat, they sent out spies to ascertain tlie facts,
These spies discovered that all the squadrons of the
" Ishmaelifces " had vanished. In fact, during the night
they had fled with the greatest silence, seeking with all
speed their home land. The Europeans, uncertain and fear-
ful, lest they were merely hidden in order to corne back [to
fall upon them] by ambushments, sent scouting parties
everywhere, but to their great amazement found nothing.
Then without troubling to pursue the fugitives, they con-
tented themselves with sharing the spoils and returned
right gladly to their own country.

Part of Another Account of tlie Same Battle by the Chronicle
of St. Denis

[The Moslems planned to go to Tours] to destroy the
Church of St. Martin, the city, and the whole country.
Then came against them the glorious Prince Charles, at the
head of his whole force. He drew up his host, and he
fought as fiercely as the hungry wolf falls upon the stag.
By the grace of Our Lord, he wrought a great slaughter
upon the enemies of Christian faith, so that as history
bears witness he slew in that battle 300,000 men [!], like-
wise their "king" [i.e. leader] by name Abdrahman. Then
was he [Charles] first called " Martel," for as a hammer of
iron, of steel, and of every other metal, even so he dashed
and smote in the battle all his enemies. And what was the
greatest marvel of all, he only lost in that battle 1500 men.
The tents and harness [of the enemy] were taken: and
whatever else they possessed became a prey to him and his
followers.

Endes, Duke of Aquitaine, being now reconciled with
Prince Charles Martel, later slew as many of the Saracens
as he could find who had escaped from the battle.

800 A.D.J BAGDAD UNDER ABBASIDE KALIFS 365

143. BAGDAD UNDER THE ABBASIDE KALIFS

Abridged from Ameer All, " History of the Saracens," p. 454

Bagdad "the city of the Arabian nights " was founded in 764
A.D. by the Abbaside Kalif Almansur. It was in its prime about
800 A.D., during the reign of the famous Haroun-al-Raschid. What
this city, which represented the crown of Saracenic civilization,
resembled, is told by a modern and very scholarly Mohammedan
writer. He in turn makes a transcription from the medieval
" Geographical Encyclopaedia " of Yakut an author who saw
Bagdad in its glory.

The city of Bagdad formed two vast semi-circles on the
right and left banks of the Tigris, twelve miles in diameter.
The numerous suburbs, covered with parks, gardens, villas
and beautiful promenades, and plentifully supplied with
rich bazaars, and finely built mosques and baths, stretched
for a considerable distance on both sides of the river.

In the days of its prosperity the population of Bagdad
and its suburbs amounted to over two millions ! The
palace of the Kalif stood in the midst of a vast park
" several hours in circumference " which beside a menagerie
and aviary comprised an inclosure for wild animals re-
served for the chase. The palace grounds were laid out
with gardens, and adorned with exquisite taste with plants,
flowers, and trees, reservoirs and fountains, surrounded by
sculptured figures. On this side of the river stood the
palaces of the great nobles. Immense streets, none less
than forty cubits wide, traversed the city from one end to
the other, dividing it into blocks or quarters, each under
the control of an overseer or supervisor, who looked after the
cleanliness, sanitation and the comfort of the inhabitants.

The water exits both on the north and the south were
like the city gates, guarded night and day by relays of
soldiers stationed on the watch towers on both sides of the
river. Every household was plentifully supplied with

366 EARLY MIDDLE AGES AND CHARLEMAGNE

water at all seasons by tlie numerous aqueducts which
intersected the town ; and the streets, gardens and parks
were regularly swept and watered, and no refuse was
allowed to remain within the walls.

An immense square in front of the imperial palace was
used for reviews, military inspections, tournaments and
races ; at night the square and the streets were lighted by
lamps.

There was also a vast open space where the troops whose
barracks lay on the left bank of the river were paraded
daily. The long wide estrades at the different gates of the
city were used by the citizens for gossip and recreation or
for watching the flow of travelers and country folk into
the capital. The different nationalities in the capital had
each a head officer to represent their interests with the
government, and to whom, the stranger could appeal for
counsel or help.

Bagdad was a veritable City of Palaces, not made of
stucco and mortar, but of marble. The buildings were
usually of several stories. The palaces and mansions were
lavishly gilded and decorated, and hung with beautiful
tapestry and hangings of brocade or silk. The rooms were
lightly and tastefully furnished with luxurious divans,
costly tables, unique Chinese vases and gold and silver
ornaments.

Both sides of the river were for miles fronted by the
palaces, kiosks, gardens and parks of the grandees and
nobles, marble steps led down to the water's edge, and the
scene on the river was animated by thousands of gondolas,
decked with little flags, dancing like sunbeams on the water,
and carrying the pleasure-seeking Bagdad citizens from
one part of the city to the other. Along the wide-stretching
quays lay whole fleets at anchor, sea and river craft of all
kinds, from the Chinese junk to the old Assyrian raft
resting on inflated skins.

593A.D.] ACTIVITIES OF POPE GREGORY I 36?

[The mosques of the city were at once vast in size and
remarkably beautiful. There were also in Bagdad numerous
colleges of learning, hospitals, infirmaries for both sexes,
and lunatic asylums.]

144. How POPE GREGORY I MADE PEACE WITH THE

LOMBARDS AND CORRESPONDED WITH THE

LOMBARD COURT

Paulus Diacomis, "History of the Langobards," book IV, chaps. 5-9,

Abridged

Gregory I (Pope 590 to 604 A.D.) was perhaps the greatest
pontiff who ever reigned on the throne of St. Peter. No problem
he confronted was more baffling than that of the Lombards, the
latest and the fiercest invaders of Italy, who were threatening
the very gates of Home. Although left practically without sup-
port by the Eastern Emperor, Gregory by the mingling of a show
of authority and of skillful negotiation brought about a tolerable
peace, and established friendly relations with the Lombard court
at Pavia. Gregory was prince of Rome in all but name, and did
much to found the temporal power of the Papacy.

In these days (593 A.D.) the most sage and holy Pope
Gregory of Rome, after he had composed many other things
for the use of the holy Church, also indicted four books of
the Life of the Saints. This writing he called a dialogue,
which is a conversation of two persons, because he had pro-
duced it in discourse with his deacon Peter. The aforesaid
Pope then sent these books to the Queen Theudelinda [of
the Lombards], whom he knew to be undoubtedly devoted
to the faith of Christ and distinguished in good works.

By means of this queen, too, the church of God procured
much that was serviceable. For the Lombards, when they
were still bound in the error of heathenism, seized nearly
all the property of the churches, but the King [Agilulf,
her husband], moved by her wholesome supplications, not

368 EARLY MIDDLE AGES AND CHARLEMAGNE

only embraced the Catholic faith 1 , but also bestowed mucK
wealth upon the church of Christ, and restored to the honor
of their accustomed dignity certain bishops who were in a
straitened and abject condition.

[Presently resenting some aggressions of the exarch of
Ravenna, King Agilulf] straightway marched out of Pavia
with a great army and attacked the city of Perusia,
[Perugia] and there for some days he besieged Maurisio,
the duke of the Lombards who had gone over to the
Romans, and speedily took him and slew him. The blessed
Pope Gregory was so sorely alarmed at the approach of this
king that he ceased from his commentary upon the temple
mentioned in. Ezekiel, as he himself declares in his homilies.

King Agilulf then, when matters were settled, returned
to Pavia, and not long afterward, upon the special instiga-
tion of his wife, Queen Theudelinda since the blessed
Pope Gregory had frequently so admonished her in his
letters he concluded a firm peace with the same most holy
Pope Gregory and with the Romans, and that venerable
prelate dispatched to this queen this letter, as expression of
his gratitude :

Gregory to Theudelinda, Queen of the Lombards : We
have learned from, the report of our son, the abbot Probus,
that your Highness has consecrated yourself, as you are
wont, zealously and magnanimously to making peace. Nor
was it to be presumed otherwise from your Christianity but
that you would show to all men your labor and your good-
ness in the cause of peace. Wherefore we render thanks
fco God Almighty, who thus rules your heart by His affection,
that He has not only given unto you the true faith, but
that He also grants that you devote yourself always to the
things which are pleasing to Him, For think not, most
noble daughter, that you have obtained but scant reward for

i Probably this is a mistake. Agilulf seems to have been merely a tol-
erant heathen, who let his son be baptized.

752A.D.] PEPIN BECOMES KING 369

staying the blood that would otherwise have been poured
out on either side. On account of this act we return thanks
for your good will, and invoke the mercy of our God that
He may mete out to you a recompense of good things in
body and soul, both here and hereafter.

Do you therefore, according to your wont, ever busy your-
self with the things that relate to the welfare of the parties,
and take pains to commend your good actions more fully in
the eyes of God Almighty, wherever an opportunity may be
given to win His reward.

[A similar friendly letter, setting fprth the advantages of
peace, is sent to King Agilulf.]

145. How PEPIN THE SHORT BECAME KING OF THE

Chronicle of St. Denis, book V, chap 82

In 752 A.D. Pepin the Short replaced the last "Sluggard
King " of the Merovingian Hue, as is here related, His appeal
to the Pope for judgment on a purely temporal matter was an-
other act in that process of linking the secular governments with
the Papacy, which plays such an important part in medieval
history. If the Pope could advise the deposition of a king, he
would presently be in a fair way to be able to command it.

Prince Pepin, when he saw that the King of the Franks
who then was, wrought no profit to the kingdom, sent to
the Pope Zacharias his messengers Burkart the arch-
bishop of Wurzburg and Fulrad Abbot of St. Denis to ask
advice as to, " Who ought to be the King ? He who had not
the least power in the kingdom, and who bore the name
only: or he by whom the kingdom was ruled, and who
had the power and the care over all things ? " And the
Pope replied to them " that he ought to be called king who
ruled the kingdom and who had the sovran power." Then
he gave sentence that Pepin be crowned as King.

370 EARLY MIDDLE AGES AND CHARLEMAGNE

In this same year Pepin was declared King by tlie
decision of Pope Zacharias and by the election of the
Franks. He was consecrated in the city of Soissons by
the hand of St. Boniface the martyr in the year of the
incarnation of Our Lord 752. Childeric [the last Mero-
vingian] who had been called King was shorn and cast
into a monastery. Then King Pepin reigned 15 years
4 months and 20 days. He had previously held the lord-
ship over the palace and the kingdom, since the death of
Charles Martel his father, for 10 years.

146. PEBSONAL TRAITS OF CHAELEMAGITES
Eginhard, "Life of Charlemagne," XXII-XXVI

Charles the Great or Charlemagne reigned from 771 to 814 over
Frankland. He was in many respects the most notable figure in
the Middle Ages. In him the strength of the young Germanic
element, and the culture of the old Roman were happily com-
bined. He seemed to reestablish that Empire of the West, which
still gripped the imagination of Latin Christendom, and long after
his dynasty had ceased to reign men thought of him as the ideally
wise, beneficent, and omnipotent Emperor. An intimate sketch
of such a person is always interesting,

Charles was large and strong, of lofty stature, though not
disproportionately tall (his height, it was well known, was
seven times the length of his foot), the upper part of his
face round, his eyes notably large and brilliant, his nose in
the least long, his hair fair, his features laughing and
merry. Thus whether standing or sitting he seemed always
stately and dignified, notwithstanding that his neck was
thick and rather short, and his belly rather prominent ;
the good proportions of the rest of his body covered these
defects.

In accordance with the national custom he took frequent
exercise riding and in the chase, accomplishments in which

800A.D.] DESCRIPTION OF CHARLEMAGNE 371

the Franks probably excel the world. He enjoyed the ex-
halations from natural warm springs. Often he practiced
swimming, in which art he was surpassingly proficient.
Hence he built his palace at Aix-la-Chapelle [where there
were warm baths], and lived there constantly during his
latter years until his end.

He was wont to wear his national, or Frankish, costume,
next to his skin a linen shirt and linen breeches, and above
these a tunic fringed with silk; while hose fastened by
bands covered his lower limbs, and shoes his feet, and he
shielded his shoulders and chest in winter by a close fitting
coat of otter or marten skins. Over all he cast a blue cloak :
always too he had a sword girt about him, usually one with
a golden or silver hilt and baldric. Sometimes too he carried
a jeweled sword, but only on great feast days, or at the
reception of foreign envoys. He despised foreign costumes
no matter how elegant. Never did he suffer himself
to wear them save twice, in Rome: when he put on the
Roman tunic, chlamys 1 and shoes. The first time he did
this at the request of Pope Hadrian: the second time to
please Leo, Hadrian's successor. On great festivals he used
embroidered clothes, and shoes adorned with jewels : a
golden buckle would fasten his cloak, and he would appear
wearing a gem-set golden diadem. On other days however
he dressed practically as did the ordinary [Frankish]
people.

Charles was temperate in eating, and particularly so in
drinking. Drunkenness he abominated in anybody, much
more in himself and in any one of his household. 2 Yet he
did not readily go hungry, and he often complained that
" the fast-times hurt his health." Rarely did he give large
entertainments, except on great feast days, but then to a
large number of guests.

1 An outer cloak.

a Drunkenness was a very serious and common failing among the Franks.

372 EARLY MIDDLE AGES AND CHARLEMAGNE

While at table he listened to reading or music. The sub
jects of the reading were the stories and deeds of the olden
time. St. Augustine's books too he liked, and especially the
one called " The City of God." In summer after the mid-
day meal he would eat some fruit, drink off a single cup,
lay aside his clothes and shoes, just as at night, and for two
or three hours take his rest. When he was dressing and
putting on his shoes, not merely did he listen to his friends,
but if the " Count of the Palace " reported any suit which
needed his judgment, at once he would have the parties be-
fore him, heard the case, and gave his decision just as if he
were sitting on the judgment seat. [And any other neces-
sary business he would thus attend to, at these times.]

Charles had the gift of ready and fluent speech, and could
express whatever he had to say with the uttermost clearness.
He was not satisfied with command of his native tongue
alone, but attempted the study of others, especially he gained
such control of Latin that he spoke it as well as his own
vernacular. Greek however he understood better than he
could speak. He possessed such eloquence that he could
actually pass for a teacher of oratory. Assiduously too did
he cultivate the liberal arts.

He held their teachers in great favor, and on them be-
stowed high honors. The deacon Peter of Pisa, an aged
man, gave him lessons in grammar. 1 Another deacon Alcuin
[of England] who was the greatest scholar of his age, was
his teacher in other learned subjects. The King devoted
time and labor in abundance, studying with him rhetoric,
dialectic and particularly astronomy. He learned to calcu-
late, and was wont to investigate the movements of the
heavens, with great intelligence. He also endeavored to
[learn to] write, and was accustomed to keep tablets and
[writing] blanks under his pillow on his bed, so that he

i Peter was teaching at Pavia in 774 A.r>. when Charles, on taking the
city, carried him off to teach at his palace.

773 A. D.] THE WARS OF CHARLEMAGNE 373

could get used to shaping the letters. But he began this at-
tempt too late in life, and it met with poor success.

He cherished with the greatest zeal and devotion the
tenets of Christianity, as taught him from his youth. Hence
it was he built the elegant basilica at Aix-la-Chapelle. He
adorned it with gold and silver, also with lamps, likewise
with rails and doors of solid brass. He had the columns
and marbles used in it conveyed from Rome and Ravenna,
for nowhere else could he find any more suitable. He was
a constant worshiper at this church: he [seldom missed
attending mass : and gave to both this church, those at Rome,
and many others, most valuable treasures and gifts, and did
all he could] to defend and protect the Church of St. Peter
[at Rome] and to beautify and enrich it.

147. THE WARS OF CHARLEMAGNE

Egiahard, "Life of Charlemagne," V-VIH

Most of Charlemagne's reign was consumed with wars in
which he was usually victorious. He never had to confront a
first-class enemy in battle, and his martial father and grandfather
had transmitted to him the well-trained Frankish army. He can-
not therefore be called a distinguished general. His .wars, how-
ever, were of high importance for history ; especially the conquest
of the Saxons and the Lombards implied the bringing of much of
Germany and Italy into the circle of " The Holy Roman Empire,"
and of medieval civilization.

After bringing a war in Aquitania to an end, he was per-
suaded, by the prayers and promptings of Hadrian, Bishop
of Rome to undertake a war against the Lombards. Al-
ready before aim his father [Pepin] had assumed this task,
at the asking of Pope Stephen, under great difficulties, for
certain Frankish chiefs of his very council, had opposed the
proposal so vehemently as to threaten to desert their King
and go home. Notwithstanding, the war against Astolf,

374 EARLY MIDDLE AGES AND CHAKLEMAGNE

King of the Lombards, had been undertaken, and promptly
brought to an issue. Now [773 A.D.] although Charles had
similar, or rather precisely the same grounds for declaring
war that his father had, the war differed from the former
both in its hardships and its results.

Pepin, to be sure, after a brief siege of King Astolf in
Pavia, had compelled him to give hostages, to restore to the
people of Eome the cities and castles he had seized, and to
swear that he would not try to take them again. Charles,
however, did not turn back once war was declared until
he had exhausted King Desidarius [ Astolf ? s successor], by a
prolonged siege ; then forced him to surrender uncon-
ditionally. He also drove his son Adalgis, the last hope of
the Lombards, not only from his kingdom [in the north],
but from all Italy. He likewise restored to the Romans all
they had lost ; crushed Henodgans, Duke of Friuli, who was
scheming revolt; reduced all Italy to his sway, and set
his son Pepin over it.

The war ended with the subjection of Italy, the banish-
ment of King Desidarius for life, the expulsion of his son
Adalgis from Italy and the restoration to Hadrian, Primate
of the Roman Church, of all the conquests by the Lombard
kings.

The Great Saxon War

[As to the Saxon War] no war ever undertaken by the
Franks was waged with such persistence and bitterness,
or cost so much labor, because the Saxons, like almost all
Germans, were a ferocious folk, given over to devil-worship,
hostile to our Faith, and they did not consider it dishonor-
able to transgress and violate all law be it human or
divine. Then, too, special circumstances caused a breach
of the peace daily. [There was no well-defined frontier be-
tween Saxony and Frankland, and continual border feuds
were raging.]

800 A.D.] THE WARS OF CHARLEMAGNE 375

Accordingly, war was begun against the Saxons and was
waged furiously for thirty-three consecutive years [772-
804] on the whole to the disadvantage of the Saxons.
Much earlier surely it would have terminated but for the
perfidy of the Saxons. It is hard to tell how often they
were conquered, humbly submitted to the King and promised
to do what was commanded, gave the required hostages
and received the royal officers. Sometimes they were so
abased that they promised to renounce "devil-worship"
and adopt Christianity. Nevertheless, they were as prone
to repudiate these terms as to accept them. It was actually
impossible to tell which came easier for them to do. Hardly
a year passed from the beginning of the war without such
changes on their part.

[The King, however, pressed them with unvarying pur-
pose despite great difficulties] and either took the field
against them himself, or sent his counts against them with
a host to wreak vengeance and exact due satisfaction.
[Many of the prisoners he settled as colonists in Gaul and
the obedient parts of Germany.] The war that had lasted
so many years at last terminated when the Saxons gave
way to the terms proffered by the King ; namely, the re-
nunciation of their native religious cults and devil-worship,
the acceptance of the Christian sacraments, and union with
the Franks into one people.

The Saxon war began two years before the Italian war,
but although it went on continuously, business elsewhere
was not neglected, nor did the King hesitate to enter on
other equally severe contests. Excelling, as he did, all the
princes of his time in wisdom and magnanimity, he did not
suffer difficulty to turn him back, nor danger to daunt him,
from any task to be assumed or carried to a conclusion.

376 EARLY MIDDLE AGES AND CHARLEMAGNE

148. How CHARLEMAGNE WAS CKOWNED EMPEBOR
Eginhard, " Life of Charlemagne," XXVTH

The Coronation of Charlemagne in 800 A.D. and the reestablish-
ment in name at least of the Western Empire is usually considered as
a cardinal point in history, the practical end of the Greco-Roman
civilization, and the beginning of a new society on foundations
largely Germanic. Of the occasion itself, it is said that Charle-
magne afterwards asserted that if he had known what was about
to befall, he would never have gone to St. Peter's Church. He was
probably entirely willing to assume the imperial title, but foresaw
the perils likely tc arise from an emperor's reigning, not in his
own right, but because of an apparent grant of the crown by the
Pope.

When Charlemagne made his last journey to Rome lie
had other ends [than mere piety] in view. The Romans
had inflicted many injuries upon Pope Leo, tearing out his
eyes and cutting out his tongue, so that he was compelled
to summon help from the King, Therefore Charles repaired
to Rome to regulate the sorely confused affairs of the
Church ; and at Rome he passed the whole winter. Then
it was he received the titles of " emperor " and " Augustus."
[Christmas day 800 A.D.] To these titles he had such re-
pugnance at first that he asserted that " he would not have
set foot in the church the day they were conferred, although
it was a great festival day [Christmas]," if he had surmised
the intention of the Pope [then to crown him].

Very patiently he bore the jealousy of the [Eastern]
Eoman Emperors, which they showed when he assumed
these titles ; for they took this step very ill ; and by means
of repeated embassies and letters, in which he saluted them
as his " Brothers " ; at length their haughty attitude yielded
to his magnanimity a quality in which he beyond doubt
far surpassed them.

802A.D.] SELECTIONS FROM CHARLEMAGNE 377

149. SELECTIONS FROM THE GREAT CAPITULARY OF CHARLE-
MAGNE OF 802 A.D.

Henderson, " Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages/' book II,
No. 2, pp, 189 ff.

In 802 A.D. Charlemagne issued a great " Capitulary " (decree)
covering a vast number of subjects. It is permeated by a mani-
fest desire to establish truth, peace, and justice, and to foster the
intellectual and spiritual advancement of both clergy and laity.
The few selections here given will convey some idea of the spirit
animating this high-minded monarch, representative as he was of
both the German and the Roman.

The most serene and noble Christian Emperor did choose
from among his nobles the most prudent and the wisest
men archbishops as well as other bishops, and venerable
abbots and pious laymen and did send them over his
whole kingdom and did grant through them, by means of
all the following provisions, that men should live according
to law and right. He did order them moreover, that, where
anything is contained in the law that is otherwise than
according to right and justice, they should inquire into this
most diligently and make it known to him; and he, God
granting, hopes to better it. And let the [imperial] mes-
sengers investigate diligently all cases where any man
claims that injustice has been done to him by any one,
according as they themselves hope to retain the grace of
omnipotent God.

And he ordained that every man in his whole realm
priest or layman, each according to his vow and calling
who had previously promised fealty to him as Mng should
now make this promise to him as emperor, and those who
had hitherto not made this promise at all, down to those
under 12 years of age, do likewise.

[This oath was to be understood riot merely as promising

378 EARLY MIDDLE AGES AND CHARLEMAGNE

to defend the emperor's life and to resist enemies or traitors,
but other points also e.g.:]

Every one of his own accord should strive wholly to keep
himself in the holy service of God according to the precept
of God and to his own promise.

[No one shall conceal any runaway slave of the em-
peror's.]

No one shall presume through fraud to plunder or do any
injury to the holy Churches of God, or to widows, orphans
or strangers ; for the emperor himself, after God and his
saints, has been constituted their protector and defender.

No one dare to devastate a fief of the emperor or to take
possession of it.

No one shall presume to neglect a summons to arms of
the emperor.

No man shall make a practice of unjustly carrying on the
defense of another in court; whether from any cupidity,
[the client] being no very great pleader, or in order by the
cleverness of his defense, to impede a just judgment ; or,
his case being a weak one, by a desire of oppressing. But
each man with regard to his own case, or tax or debt, must
carry on his own defense ; unless he be infirm, or ignorant
of pleading [in which case the Imperial officers must help
him].

[Rules touching the conduct especially of the clergy.']

Bishops and priests should live according to the canons
and should teach others to do likewise. They should not
oppress [the laity] with severe and tyrannous rule, but
should carefully guard the flock committed to them, with
simple love, with mercy and charity, and by the example of
good works.

The abbots should live where the monks are, and wholly
with the monks according to the rule: and they should
diligently teach and observe the canons, and the abbesses
shall do the same.

SELECTIONS FROM CHARLEMAGNE 379

[The bailiffs of great churchmen must be honest, and
refrainers from oppression.]

Bishops, abbots and abbesses and counts [i.e. lay magis-
trates] shall be mutually in accord, 1 agreeing in all charity
and unity of peace, in wielding the law and in finding a right
judgment. The poor, widows, orphans, and pilgrims shak
have consolation and protection from them.

Abbots and all monlfs shall be subject in all obedience to
their bishops as the canons require. . . .

Monasteries for women must be firmly ruled, and the nuns
by no means permitted to wander about, but shall be kept in
all diligence. [Strict measures shall be taken to prevent
vice], drunkenness or cupidity, but in all things the nuns
shall live soberly and justly.

]STo bishops, abbots, priests, deacons, no one in short
belonging to the clergy, shall presume to have hunting
dogs 2 or hawks, falcons, or sparrow-hawks [and violators of
this rule are to be unfrocked],

[After enjoining the penalty for many crimes the capitu-
lary adds near its conclusion,] Let no one in our forests
dare to rob our game, which we have already many times
forbidden to be done. If any count or lower official of ours
or any of our serving men shall have stolen our game he
shall be brought into our presence and called to account.
Any common man so offending shall compound for it to the
full extent of the law, and by no means shall any leniency
be extended.

* The dissensions of the magnates, especially between bishops and lay
magistrates, had often been very serious.

3 " Sporting clergymen/' were frequent offenders in Frankish days.

APPENDIX

ROMAN MONEY AND MEASURES

MONEY IN THE AGE OF AUGUSTUS

All values are highly approximate, and differ considerably from pre-
ceding and later centuries.

Sesterce [coined both in copper and silver] = 4: cents.
Denarius [silver] =16 cents.
A ureus [gold] = about $5.

Talent [silver money of account, a variable Oriental unit]
= $1000 or more.

Roman writers stated the ordinary money values usually in
berms of sesterces, but sometimes as denarii. Before Augustus's
day the Romans coined very little gold.

MEASURES OF CAPACITY
Cyathus = j^j pint.
Sextarius 1 pint.
Modius = 2 gallons.

MEASURES OF LENGTH

Roman, foot = 11.65 English inches.

Roman mile = 4854 English feet [i.e. about -j^ less than an
English mile.]

MEASURE OF LAND SURFACE
Jugerum = f acre.

881

MODERN TRANSLATIONS AND OTHER WORKS
DRAWN UPON FOR EXTRACTS

Where no translator is named in the text the author of this book
is usually responsible for the translation given ; and in many other
cases the original translation has been substantially recast* The
titles of several books utilized have been omitted here as not readily
obtainable by English readers.

Amxnianus Marcellinus : History. Bohn Library. London.

Appian: Civil and Foreign Wars. Dr. Horace White's transla-
tion. 2 vols. New York, 1899.

Appuleius ;" Works. Bohn Library. London.

Bury, J. B.: History of the Later Roman Empire, from Arcadius to
Irene. 2 vols, London, 1889.

Caesar : Commentaries. Bohn Library, London.

Cassius Dio : History of Rome. H. B. Poster, translator. 5 vols.
Troy, New York. 1

Cicero: Letters, etc. Shuckburgh's translation. 5 vols. London,
1901

Dill: Roman Society in the Last Century of the Roman Empire.
London, 1899.

Duruy: History of the Romans. 16 "half " volumes. London. (See
Select List of Books.")

Epictetus : Meditations, etc. Carter's translation, in Everyman's

Library. London. (Satisfactory and inexpensive version.)
Eusebius : Life of Constantine. Bagster's translation. London.
Eutropius: Compendium of Roman History. Bohn Library. London.
Evagrius : Ecclesiastical History. Bohn Library. London.
Heitlaad : The Roman Republic. 3 vols. London, 1910.

1 While this version of Cassius Dio has proved useful, the translations
here given have been so substantially recast that the entire responsibility
must be assumed by the author of this book.

MODERN TRANSLATIONS 383

Henderson, B. W. : The Life and Principate of the Emperor Nero*
London, 1903.

Henderson : Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages. Bohn.
Library. London.

Horace : Poetical Works. Bohn Library. London. (Use has also
been made of De Vere's translations of the Odes.)

Jordanes : History of the Goths. Mierow's translation. Princeton,
N.J., 1910. (Excellent and highly desirable version of a
work hitherto inaccessible to English readers.)

Juvenal : Satires. Bohn Library, London.

Koran of Mohammed. Translated by Rod well. 1871. Reprinted
in Everyman's Library. London. (On the whole, the most
intelligible translation for English readers. The old Sale
version also is not without merit. Various modern transla-
tions, e.g. Palmer's, are too <: scientific " to be useful save to
Orientalists.)

Livy : History of Rome. Bohn Library. London. 1

I/ucian : Select Dialogues. Bohn Library. London.

Marcus Aurelius : Meditations. Causabon's translation, Everyman's
Library edition. London. (An old but good version: some
use has also been made of the translation by George Long.)

Martial : Epigrams. Bohn Library. London.

Mau: Pompeii. English edition from the German, by Kelsey.
oSTew York, 1902.

Milne : Roman Egypt. London, 1898.
Nepos, Cornelius : Lives. Bohn Library. London.
Ovid : Fasti. Bohn Library. London.
Petronius : Satyricon. Ryan's translation. London.
Plautus : Comedies. Bohn Library. 2 vols. London.
Pliny the Elder : Natural History. Bohn Library. 2 vols. London.
Pliny the Younger : Letters. Firth's translation. London.
Plutarch : Lives of Illustrious Men. Dryden-Clough translation.
4 vols. London and New York. (Many reprints.)

1 Of relatively little use in preparing this book. Among the poorest of
the Bohn translations. A good English version of Livy is sadly needed.

384 APPENDIX

Poly bius: History. Shuck burgh's translation. 2 vols. London,

1889.

Sallust : Historical Works. Bohn Library. London.
Seneca: On Benefits, and Minor Works. Bohn Library. 2 vols.

London.

Sheppard, The Pall of Rome. London.

Sozomen: Ecclesiastical History. Bohn Library. London.
Statius : Poems. Slater's translation. Oxford, 1908. (A good

and recent translation.)

Strabo : Geography. Bohn Library. 3 vols. London.
Suetonius : Lives of ike Twelve Ccesars. Bohn Library. London.

(Among the most satisfactory of the older Bohn translations.)
Tacitus : Works. Translated by Church and Broadrib. 3 vols.

London, 1877. (Use has been also made of the Bohn version,

which is better for Tacitus than usual.)

Theodoret : Ecclesiastical History. Bohn Library. London.
University of Pennsylvania Historical Reprints. A series of pam-
phlets issued by the History Department. Philadelphia, 1898.

(Excerpts here printed by kind permission.)
Velleius Paterculus : History of Rome. Bohn Library. London.
Vergil: JEneid. Ballard's translation. Boston, 1903. (Extract

here printed by translator's kind permission.)
Vinogradoff, Paul : Roman Law in Medieval Europe. London, 1909.
Workman, H. B. : Persecution in the Early Church. London, 1900.

(Contains many valuable excerpts from, early Christian

writers.)

A SELECT LIST OF BOOKS ON ROMAKT HISTORY

No attempt is here made to prepare a complete list of all worthy
books on Roman History. The works named are merely those most
likely to appeal to the inexperienced student, and no "book is men-
tioned which has not been examined in its entirety with this end in
view. A great many important essays, the appreciation whereof
would call for considerable previous knowledge, have been omitted.
On numerous topics the best treatises in English are inferior to those
in French and in German.

General Histories.

Duruy, Victor : History of Some. Translated from the French.
8 vols., each in two parts. London and Boston, 1884. (Out
of print, but can be purchased second hand.)

This is practically the only large work that covers the
whole scope of Roman history from the founding of the city
to the eve of the fall of the Empire. It is the product of
distinguished French scholarship, and while here and there
it stands in need of correction, in the main it is a safe as well
as an inspiring guide. The work is profusely illustrated. The
portion dealing with the Empire is on the whole decidedly
better than that dealing with the Republic.

Merivale, Charles : History of Home. American Book Company,
1877. (Also in the cheap Everyman's Library,

Button.)

Published some years ago, and still of considerable value.
It is a straightforward narrative of the rise and fall of Rome,
with nonessentials omitted, and important things empha-
sized. It is the only history of Rome in a single volume that
rises above the rank of the mere text-book.

The Roman Republic,

Mommsen, Theodor: History of Home (to the time of Caesar).
Translated from the German. 5 vols. (an old edition in 4) .
Scribner's, 1905.

A remarkable book by a remarkable German scholar. So
385

386 APPENDIX

completely have the theories of this work been accepted that
until recently it has been almost heresy for historians to differ
from Mommsen in the slightest particular. To-day some of
his theories are subject to questioning, but in the main the
work stands intact. The reconstruction of early Roman
institutions is remarkably ingenious. No seriously minded
scholar of Roman history should fail to read the entire work.

Heitland, W. E. : The Roman Republic (to the death of Caesar).
3 vols. The Cambridge Press, 1909. (Also a good

abridgment in one volume. The Cambridge Press, 1911.)

A recent English work, summing up the best products of
modern investigation. The narrative is easy, the judgments
well poised, and the author has shown a happy tendency to
reject the often crude and ill-considered attempts of the Ger-
man followers of Mommsen to elaborate upon the work of
their master. While not of the epoch-making class with
Mommsen 1 s history, to the inexperienced student Heitland
is likely to be far more helpful, merely because it is less
learnedly ingenious.

How, W. W., and Leigh, H. D. : History of Rome. Longmans,
1907.

Shuckburgh, E. : History of Rome. Macmillan, 1894.

These are both well written single volume histories of the
Romans down to the fall of the Republic. That by Shuck-
burgh is more purely narrative, and a recasting of the stories
in the ancient historians ; that by How and Leigh is really a
clever abridgment of Mommsen, and more purely constitu-
tional. Either is highly useful to a scholar, although How and
Leigh is a little better adapted for the student.

Taylor, T M.. : Constitutional and Political History of Rome.
Methuen, London, 1899.

Extends to the reign of Domitian, thus giving a view of
the early Empire. A well written and relatively up-to-date
manual of the subjects named in the title.

Granmd, J. E. : Roman Constitutional History. Allyn and
Bacon, 1902.

An accurate little history, covering the salient points down
to the fall of the Roman Republic. Based upon the recent
investigations on many debatable matters.

SELECT LIST OF HISTORICAL BOOKS 387

The Roman Empire.

Merivale, C. : History of the Romans under the Empire. 8 vols.
(sometimes bound in 4). Longmans, 1890.

The most extensive piece of work on tbe early Empire in
the English language, covering from the time of Sulla to the
death of Marcus Aurelius. Despite the fact that it was
written before use could be made of much inscriptional evi-
dence recently discovered, the scholarship is in the main
sound, and the conclusions may be safely followed. The
chapters on the reigns of Tibeiius, Claudius, and Nero are
very good indeed. On the whole, however, the second half
of Duruy's masterly work is slightly superior.

Bury, J. B. : The Roman Empire (to 180 A.D.). American Book
Company.

This single volume by a great English scholar covers prac-
tically the same ground as Merivale (it begins with 31 A. p.),
The narrative is not so easy and readable as the author's
History of Greece, but the book is eminently useful to the
average student, and it is highly unfortunate that it is not
continued beyond the point where the Empire begins its
decline.

Jones, H. S. : The Story of the Roman Empire. Putnam's, 1908.

A clearly written sketch of the story of the Caesars, from
Augustus to the downfall. The scholarship is recent and
excellent, but the slender proportions of the book prevent
it from being a final word on the subject. 1

Gibbon, Edward : Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.
Many editions, the most valuable being edited by Bury, with
desirable notes, and published in 7 vols. by Macmillan.

This is the most important historical work in the English lan-
guage, perhaps in any language. Written in the eighteenth
century, it has never been superseded. In inimitable stately
Johnsonian prose it tells the. story of the slow crumbling of

1A still briefer treatment of the subject is by the author of these
"^Readings". An Outline History of the Roman Empire: Macmillan,
1909 In it especial stress is laid on the political history.

388 APPENDIX

the old Empire from the death of Marcus Aurelius to the
capture of Constantinople by the Turks. Incidentally a
great deal of strictly Medieval history is dealt with. Here
and there recent investigators have been able to correct
Gibbon, or to amplify him, but in the main his work is sur-
prisingly accurate. Two serious criticisms only have to be
made : 1. Scholars are agreed he took an erroneously un-
favorable view of the later Roman Empire at Constantinople ;
2. He was tinctured by a most obvious prejudice against
Christianity which he knew only in its unspiritual eighteenth-
century garb. But the needful deductions are easily made,
and the work remains a prime essential to every scholar.

Topics Connected' with Roman History.

Abbott, F. P. : Roman Political Institutions. Ghm and Company,
1907.

An excellent handbook describing the officials and general
government of Eome both under the Republic and the Empire.
There is besides a good outline of Roman constitutional
history, also abundant references to ancient and modern
authorities. A useful book to any student.

Ramsay, Win., and Lanciani, R. : Manual of Roman Antiquities.
Scribner's, 1896.

A rather old book fairly brought up to date. Practically
every subject of Roman antiquities is covered in it, and in a
way making the information very accessible. A most desirable
reference book.

S5indys, John E.: A Companion to Latin Studies. Cambridge
Press, 1910.

Corresponds in aim and effectiveness to Whibley's Com-
panion to Greek Studies (see note thereon, Vol. I, p. 349).
Almost every topic likely to interest a student in Roman
history has been handled in admirable articles "by experts.
An invaluable book.

Arnold, W. T.: Roman Provincial Administration. Stechert,
1905 : also Macmillan. '

A notable monograph on a very important subject. There
is no better treatment anywhere, of how the Romans con-
trolled their vast Empire-

SELECT LIST OP HISTORICAL BOOKS 389
Botsford, G. W.: Roman Public Assemblies. Macmillan, 1900.

The most important work on Roman history ever written
by an American. The whole problem of the Roman Comitia,
how they affected the course of Roman history, their compo-
sition, their influence and ultimate decadence is taken up
skillfully, and at some points the author has overthrown the
long-accepted conclusions of Mommsen. The work is for
scholars, however, and not for the merely casual reader.

Bailey, Cyril: The Religion of Ancient Home. Open Court Pub-
lishing Company, 1007.

A decidedly short, but highly illuminating discussion of the
early Roman religion, which scholars are now realizing was
entirely dissimilar from the Greek.

Platner, S. B.: Topography and Monuments of Ancient Home.
Allyn and Bacon, 1911.

The best and most recent work in English on the city of
Rome in antiquity.

Dill, S.: Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius. Mac-
millan, 1904. Roman Society in tJie Last Century
of the Western Empire. Macmillan, 1899.

Admirable discussions of the respective periods they cover.
They are particularly good as explaining the transition in
life, thought, and religion, which prepared the way for
Christianity.

Pellisson, M.: Roman Life in Pliny" 1 s Time. Jacobs, 1901.

Preston, N. W., and Dodge, L.: Private Life of the Romans.
Leach, Boston, 1893.

Thomas, E.: Roman Life under the Gcesars. Putnam's, 1899.

These are all convenient books, presenting in somewhat
similar manner the salient phases of Roman private life. 1

i The author of the present volume has attempted his own contribution
to the study of Roman life in The Influence of Wealth in Imperial Rome,
Macmillan, 1910. In this book such questions as the commerce,

economic life, public benefactions, slave system, luxury, etc., of the
Romans, are considered.

390 APPENDIX

Friedlaender, L. : Roman Life and Manners under the Early
Empire. 4 vols. Dutton and Company.

A translation of a masterly, exhaustive, and illuminating
German work. It has long been the standard work on the
subject.

Fowler, W. W.: Social Life at Home in the Age of Cicero,
Macmillan, 1900.
Interesting pictures of life in the days of Cicero and Csesar.

Becker, W. A. : Gallus ; or Roman Scenes in the Days of Augus-
tus. Longmans, 1903.

A somewhat wooden novel, yet nevertheless conveying a
vast deal of information ; but the valuable part of the work is
the Appendix, which really is an elaborate treatise on Roman
private life.

Periods of Roman History and Biographies.
lime, Wm. : Early Rome. Longmans.
Smith, R. B. : Some and Carthage. Longmans.
Beesly, A. H. : The Gracchi, Marius and Sulla. Longmans.
Merivale, C.: The Roman Triumvirates. Longmans.

Capes, W. W. : The Early Roman Empire. Longmans. The
Age of the Antonines. Longmans.

These are small handy books in the " Epochs of History "
Series. All are good and useful, but especially the last two,
which together constitute a clear and concise account of the
great age of the Empire.

Ferrero, G. : The Greatness and Decline of Rome. 5 vols. Put-
uam's, 1907-1909.

No work dealing with Roman history has created so great
a stir in recent times as this. The author is a well-known
Italian scholar, and the work hasbeen satisfactorily translated.
The promise of the title is hardly borne out by the volumes
so far published ; they merely begin with the decline of the
Republic, and end with the death of Augustus. The style
is fascinating, and the conclusions frequently so aptly put
that the reader is tempted to accept them without sifting the
author's evidence. Signer Ferrero is no great admirer of
Julius Csesar, he believes there was little or no romance

SELECT LIST OF HISTORICAL BOOKS 391

between Antony and Cleopatra, he takes a most unusual view
of the principate of Augustus. These are only samples of his
radical attitude. Everywhere great stress is laid upon the
economic factor as determining the course of hjstory. But
the work is almost hopelessly subjective. In no other exten-
sive modern work is the author's own surmise so often put
forward as serious history. A great many of the statements
that seem so revolutionary are really without valid authority
either ancient or modern. The result is that the set is not a
safe guide to the inexperienced student: to the advanced
student, however, who is able to check up the evidence, it is
highly stimulating, and occasionally informing.

Long, George : Decline of the Roman Republic. 5 vols. London,
1864-1874. Out of print.

A standard work, of sound and accurate scholarship and
judgment, but rendered repellent to most readers by an almost
deliberately heavy style, and the elimination of every literary
quality except that of clearness.

Dodge, T. A.: Hannibal. Houghton, Mifflin, 1891.
Ccesar. Houghton, Mifflin, 1802.

Exhaustive and well-written biographies of these great
men, considering them, however, almost entirely from the
military point of view. As a result, the volume on Caesar is
decidedly incomplete for a student of political history : as a
picture of the great captain's campaigns, however, it is excel-
lent. The life of Hannibal is also very good.

Froude, James A. : Ccesar, A Sketch. Harper's, 1895.

The mere name of the author suggests controversy, and
this book has been subject to violent attack. Part of the
strife, however, has really arisen out of the fierce personal
animosities that have rent English literary circles. This
book is not blameless, but its virtues far outweigh its defects.
It takes an excessively favorable view of Caesar, and an im-
favorable view of Cicero, but most historical students to-day
concur in its general attitude. The method of handling the
evidence is not absolutely critical. On the other hand, the
book is written with a verve and a literary vivacity that
make it a joy to read. It is highly interesting without
ceasing to be dignified. It can be read with the same avidity

392 APPENDIX

one can read a novel. For a person just beginning the
study of Roman history, there is no volume more likely to
give him a taste for the subject than this.

Henderson, B. W. : Life and Principate of the Emperor Nero.
Lippincott's, 1903.

An attempt, not entirely successful, to explain away some
of the worst iniquities of its very unworthy subject, and to
make out that Nero, if not an agreeable personage in his
private life, was at least an able ruler. The book is plausible
enough to be worth reading, although it is an advocate's plea
in behalf of an all but confessed criminal.

Forsyth, Wm. : Cicero. Scribner's, 1869.

The standard life of the great orator, sound, scholarly,
and not unduly laudatory.

Strachan-Davidson, J. L. : Gicero. "Heroes of the Nations"
Series. Putnam's, 1891.

Warde-Fowler, W. : Julius Ccesar. Putnam's, 1892.
Firth, J. B. : Augustus Casar. Putnam's, 1903.
Gardiner : Julian the Philosopher. Putnam's, 1895.

Firth, J. B. : Constantine the Great. Putnam's, 1905.

These are all worthy biographies in a well-known and on the
whole excellent series. The one by J. B. Firth on Augustus
Csesar is a valuable account of the building of the Empire
by the great successor of the great Julius : the other volumes
are also useful.

"Watson, P. B. : Marcus Aurelius Antoninus. Harper's, 1884.
(Out of print.)

A somewhat discursive biography of the noblest though
not the ablest ruler in the whole Imperial line.

The Period from 395 -bo 800 A.D.

Gibbon : The Roman Empire. (See entry on page 387.)

Bury, J. B. : The Later Roman Empire at Constantinople. 2 vols.
Macmillan, 1889.

The standard work on the subject. Written with a just
appreciation of the great work the East Romans did for
civilization.

SELECT LIST OF HISTORICAL BOOKS 393

Oman, C. : The Story of the Byzantine Empire. Putnam's.

This is an excellent short sketch of the Empire of Constan-
tinople, and the reading of it will prove an excellent antidote
to the false estimate Gibbon gives to the later Roman Empire.

Finlay, G. : Greece under the Romans. Everyman's Series. But-
ton.

This is the first volume of a standard history of Greece
since the Roman conquest. Though written many years ago,
it is still of very high value. It deals more with the condition
of the subject Greek peoples, especially from the tirne of
Constantine onward, than with the doings of Emperors.

The Mohammedans*

Gilman, Arthur : The Story of the Saracens. Putnam's, 1887.

A good readable popular account of the rise and decline
of the Empire of the Arabs.

Amir All : History of the Saracens. Macmillan, 1900. (Out of
print.)

A most interesting attempt by an educated Mohammedan
to tell from a sympathetic standpoint the story of the rise of
Islam and to explain away the prejudices of Western readers.
In the main the work has been well done, and the attempt
has been measurably successful.

Muir, Sir Wm. : Mohammed. Scribner's (English edition, 1894).
The standard scholarly life of the founder of Islam.

The Church?

Milman, H. H. : Latin Christianity. 8 vols. in 4. Doran (form-
erly Armstrong), 1872.

A standard scholarly account of the rise and greatness of
the Western church as centered about the Papacy.

1 The account given by Gibbon of the rise and progress of Mohammed
and his followers is justly celebrated. Gibbon's prejudice against Chris-
tianity led him to take extra pains to apologize for Islam.

2 A compact, readable, and unbiased history of the rise of the Christian
Church telling the story in untechnical language for general readers
is entirely lacking. Only a very few of the vast number of special titles
on the subject are here given.

394 APPENDIX

Robertson, J. C. : History of the Christian Church. 8 vols.
young Churchman Co,, 1875.

This is the best extensive history of Christianity, at least
from the Protestant standpoint. It has the great merit of
avoiding for the most part unprofitable ecclesiastical and
doctrinal details, and the narrative is readable. It carries
the story from the founding of the church down to the age
of Martin Luther.

Smith, Philip : Ecclesiastical History (to 1000 A.D.). American
Book Company, 1888.

A fairly satisfactory attempt at a short history of the
progress of Christianity, It is mainly an abridgment of
Robertson.

Stanley, Arthur : Lectures on the Eastern Church. " EverjTnan's
Library," Button.

Charming and informing lectures on the Christianity of the
East, the council of Nicaea, etc.

Alzog, J. : Church History. 3 vols. Eobert Clark and Company,
1874-1878.

On the whole, the best history giving the story of the
church from the Catholic point of view.

The Barbarians and the Frankish Kingdom. 1

Hodgkin, T. : Italy and Her Invaders* 8 vols. Clarendon Press,
1885-1899.

This work, covering the story of the invasions of Italy and
incidentally of the rise of the Ostrogothic, Lombard, and
Frankish kingdoms (down to Charlemagne), is a narrative
of first-class importance to every English reader. The criti-
cism that the author has borrowed rather copiously from the
German historian Dahn is probably well founded, but the
fact remains that the work is a monument of well-applied
learning, and the story is well told, though at points diffuse.

1 For the Barbarian Invasions and the new kingdoms which the Ger-
mans founded, Gibbon is of high value: also there are very useful
chapters on the Frankish monarchy, etc., in the well-known histories of
France by Guizot, Kitchen, Michelet, and others. The first volume of the
Cambridge Medieval History (Macmillan, 1912) possesses great importance
to every student.

SELECT LIST OF HISTORICAL BOOKS 395

It is unfortunate that the work is not published in a cheaper
edition.

Hodgkin, T. : Charles the Great. Macmillan, 1897.

A well- written biography of the mighty Emperor, by the
author last mentioned. Thoroughly useful to the inexpe-
rienced student.

Kingsley, Charles : The Roman and the Teuton. Macmillan,
1864.

Famous lectures by a famous writer on the downfall of the
Empire and the rise of the new nationalities. The treatment
of the later Romans is not always fair, and the German in-
vaders are somewhat overglorifted, but in the main the book
is excellent, and pree'minently entertaining.

Emerton, Ephraim : Introduction to the Middle, Ages. Ginn,
1888.

The work of a distinguished American scholar. It is by
all odds the best sketch we possess of the early Middle Ages.
Although written as a text-book it can be read with interest
merely for its narrative qualities.

Sergeant, L. : The Story of the Franks. Putnam's, 1898.

A good account of the only one of the Barbarian invaders
that founded a permanent dominion in continental Europe.

Mombert, J. I. : Charles the Q-reat. Appleton's, 1888.

This is the standard biography of the personage usually
known as " Charlemagne," and on the whole meets every
fair requirement. It is much fuller than Hodgkin's sketch.

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES OF AJSTCIENT AUTHORS CITED

In this list are included brief notices of most of the regular Greek
and Latin authors from whose works excerpts have been taken, but no
attempt has been made to include various obscure Christian chroniclers,
or to trace the authorships of Oriental inscriptions, etc. Many famous
writers are not mentioned because no quotations are made from their
writings.

Ammianus Marcellinus (died about 390 A.D.). A native of Antioch.
Served in the Roman Imperial bodyguard, but presently re-
tired from the army, and wrote a history that is (so far as the
work is preserved) one of our best authorities for the age just
before the fall of the Empire. The books remaining to us
cover 353 to 378 A.D. He was not the master of a good style,
but his story is accurate, faithful, and impartial. Often in
Ms writings is displayed a hatred of the shallow artificial life
of his age, a spirit quite worthy of a bluff old soldier.

Appian (an Alexandrian Greek who lived at Rome during the
reigns of Trajan, Hadrian, and Antoninus Pius). He seems
to have been an advocate of some consequence, well acquainted
with public affairs. His history of the Wars of Rome is ex-
tremely unoriginal, but is clearly written, and possesses the
great advantage for us of being compiled from reliable con-
temporary authors whose writings are now lost.

Appuleius (born about 130 A.D.). A native of Africa who traveled
extensively in the Roman world, and studied the Platonic
philosophy at Athens. His writings reflect pretty clearly wliat
passed for learning and wisdom in his age. He was the author
of a curious kind of romance The Golden Ass.

CaBsar (100 to 44 B.C.). Julius Caesar is, of course, one of the lead-
ing figures in history, and only secondarily a man of letters.
Yet he was counted among the leading Roman orators, barring
only Cicero, and his literary productions are of remarkable
merit. In his Commentaries on the Civil War, while no doubt
he suppresses facts unfavorable to his own cause, he is never-
396

NOTES ON AUTHORS CITED 397

theless in most instances excellently informed, and certainly
he tries hard to convey the impression of being impartial.

Cassius Dio (often called Dion Cassius: born 155 A.D., died about
230 A.D.) . He was a Bithynian who rose to the consulship,
and held various other high offices, especially under Alexander
Severus. He wrote, in Greek, a history of Rome from the
coming of JEneas down to 229 A.D. Much of this large work
is lost, although we possess an inferior abridgment of nearly
the whole. The history is of high value, especially for the
period of the Empire. Cassius Dio was well acquainted with
the routine of the imperial government, and able to describe
political movements clearly, although he was by no means a
perfect master of a good literary style.

Cicero. Quintus Cicero (102 to 43 B.C.) was a polite literary gen-
tleman, the feebler image of his famous brother Mardus. He
rose to the prsetorship, and the interesting tract on the " Can-
didacy for the Consulship " is attributed to him.

Eginhard, or Einhard (about 770 to 850 A.D.)- He was the secre-
tary and intimate friend of Charlemagne, and held many im-
portant church benefices. His fame rests upon his authorship
of The Life of Charlemagne " which is generally regarded as
the most important historical work of a biographical nature,
that has come down to us from the Middle Ages."

Epictetus (lived from reign of Nero to Hadrian). A slave, and
later a freedman, who became one of the most famous masters
of the later school of Stoics. The Discourses and Handbook
which we have as his, are the compilations of his faithful pupil
Arrian, the historian. Epictetus's gospel may be summed up
in the words suffer and abstain, i.e. man should endure all
things with noble calmness, confident that a benevolent Provi-
dence is ruling everything for an ultimate good end. He
was one of the " inspired Pagans " who accomplished an almost
indispensable work in preparing the world for the final tri-
umph of Christianity.

EuseMus (about 264 A.D. to about 340 A.D.). A learned Christian
writer, who was bishop of Csesarea, and an intimate friend of
Constantine the Great. lie was the author of an important

398 APPENDIX

Chronology, a Life of Constantine (extremely eulogistic), and
an Ecclesiastical History, which is an invaluable repository of
information about the church during the period of its growth
and of its rise to equality with Paganism.

Eutropius (latter part fourth century A.D.). He wrote a concise and
clear Epitome of Roman History from the founding of the city
down to 364 A.D. It shows little original research, but is fre-
quently useful, especially for the history of the Empire.

Evagrius (536 to about 600 A.D.). A Christian Syrian, who wrote
an Ecclesiastical History which gives much information as to
events in the church and occasionally as to sec alar matters
between the years 431 and 593 A.D. It is on the whole
superior, in accuracy and style, to most histories prepared by
churchmen in his age*

Gregory of Tours (540 to 595 A.D.). A learned bishop who kept'
alive something of the old Gallo-Roman traditions of culture
during the wrack and ruin of the Merovingian Frankish
period. His Annals of the Franks are our main authority for
the story of the deeds of Clovis and of his evil sons. Gregory
delineates with unsparing hand the iniquities of his age,
although he has a marked tendency to excuse the crimes of
Clovis and other kings in view of their " Christian Orthodoxy."

Herodianus (late second and early third centuries A.D.). The
author of a history in Greek of the Roman Emperors from 180
to 238 A.D. Very little is known of him personally.

Horace (65 to 8 B.C.). Quiutus Horatius Flaccus was probably the
most distinguished of the Latin poets save only Vergil. He
was a native of Venusia in Apulia, but passed most of his life
at Rome, where the patronage of Msecenas Augustus's
prime councilor gave him a fortune and a distinguished
audience. Horace was preeminently "the gentleman in the
world." He had abundant common sense, wisdom, and a quick
observation of the shams and the true pleasures of life : an
admirable and typical versifier for the practical Romans. He
never reached the loftiest heights of poetry, but few lyricists
have appealed to larger audiences, across longer ages than he.

NOTES ON AUTHORS CITED 399

Probably no Latin writer surpassed Horace in the delicacy and
felicity of his language.

Inscriptions. See Note in Vol. I, page 356.

Jordanes, or Jornandes (lived in sixth century A.D., during the reign
of Justinian). He was a Goth, who finally became a bishop
in Italy. His most valuable history is the book Upon the
Origin and Deeds of the Goths. In it we find the old traditions
of his people, as well as an uncritical account, often very prej-
udiced in favor of the Goths, of the conquests of Alaric,
Theodoric, etc. With all its failings, however, the work has
a marked value.

Juvenal (about 60 to 130 A.D.). He was the greatest of the Latin
satirical poets ; perhaps the greatest poet, for his own peculiar
field, of all time. He knew to a nicety the vices and foibles of
the Rome of Domitian and Trajan, and he declaims against
them with the fury of a Hebrew prophet, mingled, however,
with much wit and wisdom of a kind that almost makes him
seem a "modern" writer. His humor has been likened to
that of certain American authors notably Mark Twain.
His sixteen Satires are therefore a precious literary treasure,
although their effective translation is by no means easy. It
ought to be said, however, that Juvenal is prone to exaggerate
to lay undue emphasis upon things evil, and to ignore the
good that undoubtedly existed in the Rome of his time.

Livy (59 B.C. to 17 A.D.). Titus Livius a native of Patavium
(Padua) is by all odds the leading historian for the Roman
Republican period. His entire history in 142 books extended
from the foundation of Rome down to 9 B.C. Most unfor-
tunately we possess only 35 of these intact, although Epitomes
have been preserved of most of the others. A critical and
scrupulously impartial historian Livy was not. He often
gives us myths that have obviously no factual value, and
again he suppresses or colors such evidence as reflects upon the
glory of Rome. On the other hand, his style is " clear, ani-
mated, and eloquent," and often under the legends a little
sifting will bring out valuable data; while no Roman who
had read through his long narrative could fail to gain a clear

400 APPENDIX

grasp upon the long slow process of war and patriotic sacri<
fice by which the little city by the Tiber rose to world-wide
dominion.

Lucian (active in reign of Marcus Aurelius). A Greek of north-
ern Syria who was first a lawyer at Antioch, then traveled
through Greece teaching rhetoric, and later entered the gov-
ernmental service in Egypt. His Dialogues are among the
shrewdest, keenest writings of all antiquity. He thrusts the
knife of sarcasm into almost all the honored conventionalities
of the artificial society of the second century A.D. Some of
his scenes are irresistibly comic, and all are witty.

Lucretius (95 B.C. to about 52 B.C.). A Roman Epicurean, whose
poem in defense of the Epicurean philosophy (De Rerum
Natura) is a really noble, readable, and poetical attempt to
expound and apologize for a very unworthy system of conduct
and ethics. It is one of the most commendable pieces of
Latin verse.

Marcus Aurelius (121 to 180 A.D.). He was perhaps the noblest
personality who ever sat upon the throne of the Csesars, al-
though not the ablest in mere governmental ability. He was
a Stoic philosopher who endeavored faithfully to carry his stern
high doctrines with him into the palace or camp. His Medi-
tations written in Greek are an excellent presentation
of the Stoic ideal, and are incidentally by far the best book
ever written by a reigning monarch.

Martial (43 to about 104 A.D.). A Romanized Spaniard, who spent
most of his career at Rome. His Epigrams are a precious
collection of keen and witty comment upon all the mazes of
society at the metropolis ; the poems are defiled by frequent
impurities, but no student of the life of the Empire can dis-
pense with the light they cast on innumerable subjects.

Ovid (43 B.C. to 18 A.D.). A clever and versatile Latin poet, of
much talent and little real genius. His Metamorphoses pre-
serve to us in their most accepted form the standard stories of
Greek mythology, as conventionalized by the first century
A.D., but of greater historical value is his Fasti a sort of
Roman calendar in verse, describing the various old Latin

NOTES ON AUTHORS CITED 401

festivals, the rites proper for each, etc. Only half of this
interesting work has been preserved.

Petronius (age of Nero). He was an unprincipled but elegant
and clever companion of Nero, for a while a kind of 'master-
o f-t he-re vol s ' (Elegantice arbiter) of that evil Caesar's court.
He committed suicide on losing the imperial favor. To him
Is commonly attributed the Satyricon, a kind of comic romance,
often disgustingly coarse, but written with a lively wit and a
cynical insight into all the follies and iniquities of the age.
u Trimalchio's Dinner" forms an important episode in the
book.

Plautus (about 254 to 184 B.C.). An Umbrian, who after a varied
career at Rome undertook to eke out a living by preparing
comedies for stage managers. In this way he presently gained
fame and a competence. Twenty of his plays have been pre-
served : they all seem to be founded upon Greek models, but
he took greater liberties in adapting them than the rival
comedian Terence, and as a rule we may feel we are given
the Roman atmosphere of about 200 B c.

Pliny the Elder (23 to 79 A.D.). He was a distinguished Roman
official, and at the time of his death he was admiral of the
fleet at Misenum (he perished during the famous eruption of
Mt. Vesuvius). His fame rests upon his Natural History, a
vast compendium in 37 books, containing an enormous deal
of varied learning and pseudo-learning, often on historical
subjects. The work is very ill arranged, and lacks critical
sifting, but to it we owe many of the most interesting items
and anecdotes of ancient history.

Pliny the Younger (about 61 A.D. to about 114 A.D.). Nephew and
adopted on of the preceding. He held various high gov-
ernmental posts, e.g. the consulship and governorship of
Bithynia, and claimed the personal friendship of Trajan.
He was the author of a series of Letters, which, although
tainted l>y a certain artificiality, are, on the whole, the clearest
and most informing documents we have as to life among the
polite leisured classes at Rome about 100 A.D. Judging from
the tone of the letters, Pliny was an affectionate husband, a

402 APPENDIX

kindly master to his servants, and a genial friend: a good
example of the best in the old society.

Plutarch. See Biographical Note in Vol. I, page 358.

Polybius (about 204 to about 122 B.C.). A Greek nobleman of
Megalopolis, who, after taking a leading part in the doings of
the Achaean League, was banished to Italy by the Romans in
168 B.C. In 151 B.C. he was released, but in the interval he
had won the friendship of the younger Scipio and was present
with him at the fall of Carthage. Later he used his influence
to mitigate the lot of the Greeks after the destruction of
Corinth. Polybius undertook in a long history to explain to
his countrymen how it was the Romans were able to conquer
them, and to explain the secrets of Roman greatness. His
work begins with the outbreak of the First Punic War. His
sources of information were ample, and he had a critical
faculty and power of philosophic grasp rare in ancient writers.
His literary execution is not correspondingly excellent, but his
history perhaps next to Thucydides's comes nearest of
all from Antiquity to satisfying the demands of modern
scholarship. It is a great misfortune that the larger part of
it is lost.

Prudentius (about 348 to 410 A.D.). A poet who has been called
" the Horace aud Vergil of the Christians." Little is known
about his life. He seems to have held high civil offices under
Theodosius and Honorius, but late in life he became weary of
worldly honor and turned himself strictly to religion. His
religious hymns and versified expositions of Christian doc-
trines often show very high poetic qualities.

Rutilius Numantianus (wrote about 417 A.D.). A Gaul, who held
the city prsefectship at Rome about 413 A.D. Ha described
his return to Gaul in a rather long poem, Upon the Return.
He was a Pagan with little love for Christianity, but he cele-
brates the praises of old Rome with a truly poetic and admi-
rable fervor.

Sallust (86 B.C. to 34 B.C.). A Roman politician, who, after a de-
cidedly chequered career, threw in his lot with Csesar and
served with him during the Civil War. As governor of Nu-

NOTES ON AUTHORS CITED 403

midia lie was charged with gross extortions. Of his historical
writings we still have his CatHina, and his Jugurthine War,
These short essays are too rhetorical and often strain the
truth for the sake of the literary effect; but they form im-
portant links in Roman annals.

Seneca (about 5 B.C. to 65 A.D.). He was born in Spain, of a noble
Roman family there settled. After he had won fame as a
pleader at Rome, Claudius banished him to Corsica, but Agrip-
pina had him recalled, and as tutor of young Nero he was
for a while the most influential man in the government, until
Nero degenerated. Seneca then retired from office, and was
presently put to death on suspicion of conspiracy. Seneca was
the author of treatises on the Stoic philosophy in which he
set forth a severe and noble doctrine, almost unattainable
by human virtue. Unfortunately the great riches he amassed
did not correspond well with the austerity of his doctrines,
yet he died very bravely, in a manner that became a good man
and a philosopher.

Sidonius Apollinaris (lived in fifth century A.D.). A native of
Lyons (Lugdunum) in Gaul, who became Bishop of Clermont.
He played a considerable part in public affairs during the pain-
ful period of the Barbarian conquest, and his poems and letters
show him to have been a man of genuine literary culture, who
did his best to keep alive the old civilization in a very degen-
erate age.

Sozomen (lived in fifth century A.D.). A Greek ecclesiastical his-
torian, probably born near Gaza in Palestine. His History
of the Church extends from 323 A.D. to 423 A.D. He wrote in
a good style, and his work is useCul for secular as well as for
merely ecclesiastical history.

Spartianus (lived in reigns of Diocletian and Constantino.) He
was said to be the author of the Life of Hadrian and several
other biographies in the so-called Augustan History. These
essays have a very unequal value, but they give us much per-
sonal information and many anecdotes about the Emperors.

Statius (about 61 to 96 A.D., dates uncertain). He was a clever
and versatile Roman poet, who was at his best during the

404 APPENDIX

reign of Domitian. His poems cover a wide variety of
jects, and occasionally show a slight touch of genius ; in the
main, however, he may be described as talented, but by no
means great.
Strabo. See Biographical Note in Vol. I, page 358.

Suetonius (lived from reigns of Yespasian to that of Hadrian).
He was an advocate at Rome, and for a while private secretary
of Hadrian, then fell into disgrace. His Lives of the Twelve
Ccesa^s (Julius Caesar to Domitian inclusive) are a series of
lively biographies in Latin, comparable with the Lives (in
Greek) by Plutarch. They give personal sketches, not politi-
cal histories ; but are excellent in style, comparatively careful
in statement, and one of our chief sources for the early Empire.

Tacitus (about 60 A.D. to about 120 A.D.). Next to Livy he was
the greatest Roman historian. He was consul in 97 A.D. arid
a valued friend of Pliny the Younger. To him the establish-
ment and continuance of the rule of Caesars meant the break-
ing down of the political prestige of the old Roman families
to which his interests were linked. With consummate literary
skill and with great appearance of devotion to truth he wrote
the story of the Emperors from 14 to 96 A.D. Of this great
work we only have fragments known as the Annals (Tiberius,
Claudius, and Nero) and the Histories (telling of the civil
war following the death of Nero). By a skillful cumulation
of unfavorable evidence Tacitus draws a most damning in-
dictment of the Caesarian regime. Most of his charges are
probably true; but he does not give the Emperors proper
credit for the good which they undoubtedly wrought in the
provinces. His Germany is a valuable separate essay.

Theodoret (about 393 to 457 A.D.). A famous churchman of An-
tioch who had a prominent part in the ecclesiastical tumults
of the fifth century. His Ecclesiastical History (from about
820 to 429 A.D.) is learned and impartial, although often be-
traying extreme ci edulity. It is only one of his many writings
mostly theological.

Vellius Paterculus (lived in reign of Augustus and Tiberius). A
Roman historian who served on campaigns in Germany, and

NOTES ON AUTHORS CITED 405

who wrote a short Compendium of Roman History, that is es-
pecially valuable for the information, it gives as to events
during the reign of Augustus.

Vergil (70 to 19 B.C.). The greatest poet who ever wrote in Latin.
It is here needful only to remark that the ^Eneid was a mag-
nificent attempt to glorify Rome and incidently the Julian
house, by means of a poetic adaptation of the old traditions of
the founding of the great city by the Tiber.

Vopiscus (lived about 300 A.D.). One of the authors contributing
to the Augustan History; especially he was the author of the
Life of Aurelian,